Bias is often said to "be in the eye of the
beholder." There is some truth to the fact that the psychological
phenomenon of "selective perception" leads to "cognitive dissonance"
when we are exposed to views very different from our own. But the
reality of bias is a much broader and systemic problem when
analyzing media, especially given the potential harm. This article
provides an overview of some useful approaches to understanding the
sources of media bias and what to do about them.
The President of the United States says the nation
has to go to war to eliminate a potentially imminent threat of
weapons of mass destruction. Later, after a costly military
campaign, none are found. Yet the real threat of terrorism remains.
The leaders of several major corporations (and their
accounting firms) receive lucrative salaries, bonuses and benefits
for keeping the stock value of their businesses high. Subsequently
we learn multi-billion dollar deceit was a better description than
receipt.
A reporter for a major newspaper admits to faking
dozens of stories, putting into doubt the trust readers had in the
publication’s commitment to accuracy.
In these cases and many more, even an intelligent
person has trouble telling truth from lies, fact from fiction, or
good analysis from bad information. Most of what we know is filtered
through media, whether that be primarily as entertainment or
information. We mostly self-select what we watch, listen to, or read
to suit our own interests. This is a practical approach, but leaves
us vulnerable to what we don’t know as much as what we take in.
Importantly, the content of that media has also gone through a
winnowing process, selected and influenced by a welter of
alternative sources. Given the additional problem of bias, how can
we believe in what we "think" we know? How can we trust our leaders?
Bias is the predisposition for or against a
particular point of view. Whenever the positions or interests of a
portion of the audience are overlooked, distorted, or censored the
problem of bias is found. Bias may result from unintentional or
deliberate decisions on the part of media gatekeepers, but
nevertheless subjects audiences to a skewed reality potentially
detrimental to their best interests. The problem of agenda-setting
is compounded by the increasing centralization of information supply
created from the rise of big media owned by interlocking
conglomerates. Bottom line: Very few companies own most of the
important book publishers, newspapers, magazines, radio stations,
television companies, film studios, cable networks, satellite
services, internet service providers, and other communication
services we use.
The influence of the media elite is so pervasive
that many other organizations and their social ideas are effectively
disenfranchised by their exclusion from the mainstream channels of
distribution. On the other hand, favored viewpoints and groups can
receive a boost from biased coverage promoting their cause.
Most media industries, including journalism,
ostensibly operate under codes of ethics designed to protect against
unfairness and bias. However, these provisos lack grounding in
ethical theory and tend to reflect antinomian thinking based on an
ad hoc approach to moral decision making with nothing but the
situation for guidance. Unlike codes found in other professions such
as medicine and law, mass communication codes of ethics in the U.S.
are also voluntary and have no real mechanisms to punish wrong
doers. Similarly, most watchdog organizations are private entities
without enforcement power—other than publicity—to call attention to
questionable behavior. The U.S. Congress and American government
regulatory agencies such as the Federal Communications Commission
(FCC), Federal Trade Commission (FTC), and the Securities and
Exchange Commission (SEC) entrusted with media performance oversight
are hemmed in by First Amendment considerations. In practice, this
means what is constitutionally lawful is generally treated as what
is ethical.
Whether or not media bias exists is a seemingly
endless debate. Yet valid questions remain about media performance
and the role of public communications practitioners in shaping
perception. There are some researchers who use a "social
construction of reality" framework to analyze American media and the
ways in which information is filtered. Their media effects findings
suggest that when bias occurs it stems from combination of factors:
�
The media
are neither objective nor completely honest in their portrayal of
important issues.
�
Framing
devices are employed in stories by featuring some angles and
downplaying others.
�
The news
is a product not only of deliberate manipulation, but of the
ideological and economic conditions under which the media operate.
�
While
appearing independent, the news media are institutions that are
controlled or heavily influenced by government and business
interests experienced with manufacturing of consent/consensus.
�
Reporters’ sources frequently dominate the flow of information as a
way of furthering their own overt and hidden agendas. In particular,
the heavy reliance on political officials and other-government
related experts occurs through a preferential sourcing selection
process that excludes dissident voices.
�
Journalists widely accept the "faulty premise" that the government's
collective intentions are benevolent, despite occasional mistakes.
�
The
regular use of the word "we" by journalists in referring to their
government’s actions implies nationalistic complicity with those
policies.
�
There is
an absence of historical context and contemporary comparisons in
reportage which would make news more meaningful.
�
The
failure to provide follow up assessment is further evidence of a
pack journalism mentality that at the conclusion of a "feeding
frenzy" wants to move on to other stories.
�
Citizens
must maintain a critical perspective on the media in order to make
informed choices and participate effectively in the public policy
process.
Typical of such critics is Edward S. Herman who
says in a special issue of Extra! (1991), "Perhaps the most
important source of bias is the hidden and implicit political basis
of what is ‘newsworthy.’ These choices often reflect a fairly
mechanical transmission of what the [U.S.] government chooses to
emphasize. . . . Iraq's human rights abuses suddenly became
newsworthy after August 2, 1990, as the Bush administration readied
the public for military action against Iraq, while the same abuses
were essentially ignored in prior years when the administration was
building friendly relations with Saddam Hussein. Where the worth of
victims, as measured by intensity of focus and indignation, is so
closely tied to the government's political agenda, media bias seems
evident" (quote from p. 1). Although he wrote prior to the latest
Iraq war and referred to the first President Bush, Herman put his
finger on a real problem that would reemerge.
There are many studies alleging or disputing
media bias. However, the authors of these works often don’t include
a framework on which to base their analysis, especially in terms of
the fundamental influences that impact on media content. Two
polemical—but informative—books have proven themselves classics in
helping to further clarify this issue. As
right-wing/conservative/nationalist stalwarts L. Brent Bozell III
and Brent H. Baker note in And That's the Way It Isn't? A
Reference Guide to Media Bias (1990), "By exercising control
over the nation's agenda—picking and choosing which issues are fit
for public debate, which news is ‘fit to print’—the news media can
greatly influence the political direction of this country. They can
ignore or ridicule some ideas and promote others. They can wreck a
politician's career by taking a quote or two out of context or by
spotlighting a weakness in his background. They can make winners
look like losers and vice versa, known that, in the political world,
appearance easily supplants reality."
Bozell and Baker describe seven methods used to
analyze the existence of and quantify bias:
-
Surveys of the political/cultural attitudes of journalists,
particularly members of the media elite, and of journalism
students.
-
Studies of journalists' previous professional connections.
-
Collections of quotations in which prominent journalists
reveal their beliefs about politics and/or the proper role of
their profession.
-
Computer word-use and topic analysis searches to determine
content and labeling.
-
Studies of policies recommended in news stories.
-
Comparisons of the agenda of the news and entertainment
media with agendas of political candidates or other activists.
Positive/negative coverage analysis. Their
left-wing/liberal/progressive counterparts, Martin A. Lee and Norman
Solomon in Unreliable Sources: A Guide to Detecting Bias in News
Media (1991), adopt a different starting point. But one can
extrapolate from their well documented work at least four additional
strategies, such as:
-
Reviews of the personal demographics of media decision
makers.
-
Comparisons of advertising sources/content that influence
information/entertainment content.
-
Analyses of the extent of government propaganda and public
relations (PR) industry impact on media.
-
Studies of the use of experts and spokespersons etc. by
media vs. those not selected to determine the interest groups
and ideologies represented vs. those excluded. In addition,
another way recently emerged:
-
Research into payments of journalists by corporations and
trade associations to speak before their groups and the impact
that may have on coverage.
Analyses using these methodologies are appearing
more regularly from monitoring groups ranging across the political
spectrum from Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting (FAIR) and the
Institute for Media Analysis (IMA) on the left to Accuracy in Media
(AIM) and the Center for Media and Public Affairs on the right. Even
though disagreeing on specifics and ideology, they are making
valuable contributions to our understanding of the communications
process.
I find this encouraging, especially for those of
us who value individuality. We are already living in a propaganda
environment, i.e., a pervasive cultural condition in which opinion
and belief are constantly manipulated by "social managers" more
interested in asserting control than promoting freedom, more
concerned with maintaining an illusion of choice rather than
encouraging truly independent thought. Fortunately for us, the would
be dictators face competition and each of us has the power to
challenge their predictable intermittent rituals which promote
rubber stamped prepackaged commodities ranging from candidates to
products. By insisting that those who lead us are accountable, we
lessen the chance of abuse. The answer to bias then is not more
apathy but more involvement, not more ignorance but more
intelligence. We all have work to do!
Bozell, L. Brent III, and Brent H. Baker. And
That’s the Way It Isn’t: A Reference Guide to Media Bias.
Alexandria, Va.: Media Research Center, 1990.
Herman, Edward S. "Balance a Foreign Concept in
International News."Extra! 4,7 (October 1991): 1, 3.
Lee, Martin A., and Norman Solomon. Unreliable
Sources: A Guide to Detecting Bias in News Media. New York: Lyle
Stuart, 1990. Revised ed., 1991.
About the Author
Richard Alan Nelson (Ph.D., Florida State
University) is Professor of Mass Communication and Public Affairs,
Manship School of Mass Communication, Louisiana State University and
A&M College, Baton Rouge, LA 70803-7202 USA; Phone: 225-578-6686;
Personal webpage:
http://richardnelson.netfirms.com .
Nelson edits the refereed Journal of Promotion Management and
Journal of Website Promotion, and is author of A
Chronology and Glossary of Propaganda in the United States.
Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1996.
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