A Violent World:
TV News Images of Middle Eastern Terror and War
Amani Ismail
California State
University, Northridge
Nitzan Ben-Shaul, A violent world: TV news images
of Middle Eastern terror and war. Lanham, MD: Rowman &
Littlefield, 2007. ISBN: 13-978-0-7425-3799-6, paper, 167pp.
In this book, Nitzan Ben-Shaul
engages in audiovisual analysis of how three distinct television
media outlets – namely, Israeli mainstream television, Palestinian
Authority Television (PATV), and Cable News Network (CNN) – covered
9/11 and the subsequent U.S.-led war on terror as well as Al Aksa
Intifada (the Palestinian uprising against Israel that broke out in
September 2000). The theoretical premise from which the author
proceeds and attempts to build his argument is that in the
contemporary post-Fordist, globalized world, core-periphery
relationships are so drastically altered that peripheral states are
disadvantaged more than ever. These negative repercussions, he
suggests, are partly manifested in how media cover political
violence and, if anything, end up rendering news media as potential
agents of fueling war and tension rather than fostering peace and
harmony.
Economic-political
dependence by peripheral states upon core states, according to the
book, not only "devastates" peripheral states’ economic-political
conditions but also consequently "leads to heavy migration from
peripheral to core states and to awakening dominance of ethnic and
religious frames of reference earlier subsumed under the dominant
ideologies of nation-states" (p. 12). Indeed, this claim represents
the centerpiece of the author’s theoretical understanding that
informs his study’s rationale, methods, and critique.
According to Ben-Shaul,
CNN covered 9/11 and the war on terror in ways that promoted U.S.
official interests and essentially justified the war. Israeli and
Palestinian coverage of the same events was found to be "highly
ethnocentric and therefore minor and disengaged" (p. 88). As for
CNN’s treatment of Al Aksa Intifada, the author found it to convey
"the notion of a vicious circle," as "criminal-appearing violence"
and "blurring the different positions held by different groups
within Israel and Palestine" (p. 100) characterized the coverage.
The author also relays Israeli and Palestinian coverage of the
Intifada in unfavorable terms, describing both as "highly
ethnocentric" and "revengeful" (pp. 107 and 122, respectively).
Perhaps the primary flaw
within this research study is that the author did not make a
convincing case that coverage patterns across the media outlets are
directly reflective of the larger, overarching framework of the
post-Fordist status quo. While the author makes such valid claims as
CNN’s political economy being "emblematic of post-Fordism in its
being a privatized global satellite network owned by a huge
core-elite corporation" (p. 57), we cannot presume in good
conscience that observed coverage patterns are a ripple effect of
post-Fordism.
The author sums up what he
perceives as the linkage between this predominant political-economic
system and examined media coverage as follows:
Considering post-Fordism
to be the dominant mode of production propelling globalization,
and viewing the U.S.-led core-elites’ formation of a ‘new world
order’ as a further expansion of their capitalist exploitation
of the periphery, this study showed how mainstream television
news respectively embedded the dominant ideologies of the U.S.
core-elites and of dependent peripheral elites in Israel and
Palestine in their coverage of the terror and constitutional
violence that emanated from the U.S.-al Qaeda conflict and from
the al Aksa Intifada." (pp. 148-9)
This linkage is
fundamentally flawed partly because Israel is categorized as a
peripheral state (p. 60). The question here is the basis upon which
Israel is designated as peripheral. According to a leading Israeli
newspaper, Ha’aretz, Israel is among the world’s developed
countries (Sa’ar, 2007), one whose main exports include military
equipment and computer software, according to the British
Broadcasting Corporation (BBC, 2007). Public Broadcasting System’s
Frontline even references Israel’s "military might to
dominate its neighbors" (PBS, 2006). Thus, arguing for Israel’s
peripheral status becomes unfounded.
Additionally, it comes as
no surprise that Israeli and Palestinian television would each cover
the other side in explicitly ethnocentric, love-lacking ways.
Decades of fermented hatred on both sides as a result of contesting
the land would suffice, one would think, to be brought to bear on
media coverage. Media, after all, are the cultural arms of any
modern day society (Gerbner, 1992). The media’s connection to
culture/society is thus inevitable. Schudson (2003) has argued that
journalists abandon their purported neutrality at three types of
junctures: moments of tragedy, moments of public danger, and threats
to national security. The case studies tackled by the current book
are wrought with such moments. Besides, when the news story involves
the journalist’s own nation-state, "professional" frames of coverage
tend to subside to the advantage of "national" frames, and so, bias
for one’s own nation-state emerges in the news (Nossek, 2004).
For the above reasons, I
do not conceive of the utilized theoretical framework as appropriate
to the given case studies.
Like much news discourse
we consume, the author in his audiovisual analysis expresses the
fallacious soldier/civilian dichotomy as far as the Israeli
population is concerned (e.g., p. 97). Since Israeli citizens who
are 18 years or older are obligatorily members of the Israeli
reservist army, this practice of distinguishing Israeli adults as
military versus civilian is, again, unfounded.
On a separate note, we
note the author’s own labeling at work as he calls the 9/11
hijackers "terrorists" (p. 73), references Hamas and Islamic Jihad’s
"terrorist struggle" (p. 125), and describes Israel as
"terror-ridden" (p. 77). One is left wondering, then, why he never
labels Israeli violence against Palestinians as terrorist. Rather,
we only see references to "constitutional violence" that he
repeatedly argues emanated from the U.S.-led war on terror and Al-Aksa
Intifada (pp. 64, 149), or similarly "from the Israeli-Palestinian
conflict" (p. 104), never specifying what exactly constitutes this
constitutional violence or the perpetrators and victims thereof.
With "terrorism" being the controversial term that it is (e.g. Tuman,
2003) and the author himself attacking what he sees as a lack of
objectivity by examined media outlets, then his own choice and
clarification of labels seem particularly warranted.
References
British Broadcasting
Corporation. (2007, July 17). Country profile: Israel and
Palestinian territories. Retrieved October 6, 2007, from
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/country_profiles/803257.stm
Gerbner, G. (1992).
Violence and terror in and by the media. In M. Raboy & B. Dagenais
(Eds.), Media, crisis and democracy (pp. 94-107). London:
Sage.
Nossek, H. (2004). Our
news and their news: The role of national identity in the coverage
of foreign news. Journalism, 5(3), 343-368.
Schudson, M. (2003).
The sociology of news. New York: W.W. Norton.
Tuman, J. (2003).
Communicating terror: The rhetorical dimensions of terrorism.
Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.