| Constructing A Right To Communicate: The
UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples
William F. Birdsall, Canada
Abstract
Since its conception forty years ago, efforts to
reach a universally acceptable definition of a right to communicate
have been unsuccessful, primarily because the debate has been at an
abstract philosophical/legal level rather than arising out of the
real experience of people struggling to achieve rights addressing
their immediate communication needs. As an alternative to the
problem of achieving a philosophical/legal definition of a right to
communicate, this paper proposes a strategy of constructing a
right to communicate through the interpretation of how right to
communicate values are embodied in current soft and hard law texts.
To illustrate how this can be done, the United Nations
Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (DRIP) is used
as a case study. An analysis of the DRIP reveals the extent to which
it embodies values associated with a right to communicate: universal
human rights that recognize cultural diversity; collective and
individual rights; encompassing traditional communication rights;
right of participation in all aspects of communication; positive
rights. The increasing experience people gain with the complex
issues arising out of global, interactive communication could
generate further texts embodying right to communicate values. The
analysis of such texts may reveal that in time everyone does indeed
possess a right to communicate.
Keywords: Right
to Communicate; Indigenous People’s Rights; Communication Rights
Values; Declaration on The Rights of Indigenous Peoples.
Introduction
Human
communication is obviously an exceedingly complex process but
every human being has, among others, two fundamental communicative
needs: to be informed and to inform. I contend, as have others
(Canada 1971; Richstad & Anderson, 1981) that these two needs
constitute a foundation for a right to communicate that everyone
requires for their personal self-fulfillment. To not be able to
communicate—to inform and to be informed—dehumanizes the individual.
As an example, in the case of the use of language specifically,
neurologist Oliver Sacks notes with regard to individuals who have
lost the ability to express or understand language (aphasia):
We are a
linguistic species—we turn to language to express whatever we are
thinking, and it is usually there for us instantly. But those with
aphasia, the inability to communicate verbally may be almost
unbearably frustrating and isolating; to make matters worse, they
are treated by others as idiots, almost as nonperson, because they
cannot speak.
(Sacks, 2007, p.
215)
Because
communication is so basic to being a fully functioning human being,
everyone needs to have their right to communicate entrenched in law.
However, ever since Jean d’Arcy identified the need for a right to
communicate in 1969, achieving the entrenchment of such a right in
national or international law has been hindered by the challenge of
defining such a right (d’Arcy, 1977, p. 1). Communication rights
activists, policy experts, academics, among others have advanced a
variety of formulations but no precise definition has achieved
wide-spread acceptance. Much of this debate over definition is at an
abstract philosophical and legal level of discourse. Such discussion
is valuable in exploring what could constitute a right to
communicate but it has been, until recently, divorced from the
experience of the vast majority of people. Consequently, it has not
been linked with a broad based political or social experience that
could link theory and practice. Instead of attempting to define a
right to communicate, this paper explores a strategy of
constructing a right to communicate using as a case study the
United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples
From Defining to
Constructing A Right to Communicate
An alternative
strategy to the traditional strategy of attempting to formulate a
philosophical/legal definition of a right to communicate is to
interpret how the values typically associated with a right to
communicate are embodied in current declarations, covenants, laws,
constitutions, policies, and judicial rulings
of international and national governing
and legal institutions (Birdsall, McIver &Rasmussen, 2002).
Philosophical/ and legal discussions are important but they tend
often to conclude with definitions so general that they are divorced
from the real experience of people and their cultural contexts.
Here, it is important to acknowledge success in the achievement of
rights arise out peoples’ often long struggles to correct wrongs. As
legal scholar Alan Dershowitz observes: “Virtually every newly
recognized right—whether it be the right to leave a country or the
right to marry a person of the same sex—has been invented by human
beings based on the wrongs they experienced or observed” (Dershowitz,
2004, p. 191. Furthermore, “It is …also clear
that the generic nature of a right to communicate can only attain
specific meaning in the context of individuals and communities”
(Rasmussen, 2004, 137).
As people strive to
attain their rights in relation to a range of communicative issues,
it should be possible to determine through the analysis of various
texts if the values of a right to communicate are being achieved
regardless of a lack of a specific definition. Indeed, it is argued
in this paper that elements of a right to communicate have been
identified in the foundational UN Universal Declaration of Human
Rights, specifically Articles (12) on privacy, (19) on freedom
of expression and opinion; (20) on peaceful assembly; and (27) on
cultural life of the community (Harms, 2002, p. 2 & McIver, 2000).
Importantly, constitutional lawyer Merrilee Rasmussen, argues that
it is a mistake to apply a literalist interpretation of the words of
a legal text. She asserts it is necessary to take what she
characterizes as a purposive perspective; that is, “meaning is not
revealed by a text . . . it is constructed from a text” (2004, p.
136). Particularly, she demonstrates how the right to communicate’s
values are embedded in the Canadian Charter of Rights and
Freedoms with regard to the Aboriginal Peoples cultural identity
in Canada (Rasmussen, 2002). Furthermore,
Aliaa Dakroury examines Canadian public policy
issues in the context of a right to communicate (Dakroury 2005a;
Dakroury 2005b). Through
such a purposive perspective approach, it is possible to cumulate a
coherent body of interpretation and analysis that constructs an
accepted formulation of a right to communicate.
To demonstrate
this interpretative approach, this paper examines how values
associated with a right to communicate are embedded in the recently
adopted United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous
Peoples (DRIP) 2007, a document resulting from decades of
struggle by indigenous peoples to achieve recognition of rights
associated with their unique cultural identities. The specific
articles upon which I draw in the analysis of right to communicate
values embodied in the DRIP are Articles (1); (3); (5); (7); (8);
(9); (11); (12); (13); (14); (16); (24); (31); (33); (34); (38);
(39); and (42) (United Nations 2007).
The United
Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (DRIP)
The population of
indigenous peoples is around 350 million individuals in over seventy
countries, where they represent over 5000 languages and cultures.
According to the UNESCO, indigenous peoples are often pushed to the
fringes of society and denied basic human rights (UNESCO, 2008).
Consequently, their struggle for human rights has been long and
difficult. For that, the DRIP is the culmination of over two decades
of negotiations. The United Nations began its official involvement
with the issue of indigenous peoples with the establishment of a
Working Group on Indigenous Populations in 1982, which prepared the
initial draft of the DRIP. In 1994, the UN General Assembly launched
the International Decade of the World’s Indigenous People, and in
2004, the General Assembly proclaimed the Second International
Decade of the World’s Indigenous People. After much negotiation, the
Declaration was adopted September 13, 2007, by the General Assembly
with a total of 144 states in favor, 4 against, and 11 abstentions.
It is important
to highlight here that the DRIP is not a legally binding document,
exactly like the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), it
is a declaration only. Declarations can, however, be a preliminary
step to the establishment of legally binding texts. In time, for
example, the UDHR was followed by the creation of the UN treaties,
the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
(ICCPR) and the International Covenant on Economic Social and
Cultural Rights. Also, just as
the UDHR has served since its adoption in 1948 as a moral source for
people throughout the world to draw upon in their struggle for human
rights, the substantive vote in favor of the DRIP also carries
considerable moral force. On its adoption, it was acknowledged that
the DRIP’s text did not represent either the views of all members of
the UN or even of all indigenous peoples. Nonetheless, it sets
international standards and a framework from which states can
enhance the human rights of their indigenous peoples. For that, it
should be seen as one major achievement in the advancement of human
rights.
A Right to
Communicate “Values”?
Since the 1970s attempts to define a right to
communicate have been undertaken by different parties, among them:
the UNESCO, national advisory bodies, academics, non-governmental
organizations (NGOs), and communication activists among others.
While debate over the meaning of a right to communicate continues, a
number of values are consistently associated with such a right. One
of the first attempts to articulate such a right was made by a major
advisory body on telecommunications policy established in late 1969
by the Canadian government. The Telecommission asserted in its final
report that “The rights to hear and be heard, to inform and to be
informed, together may be regarded as the essential components of a
‘right to communicate’” (Instant World, 1971, p. 3). A decade later,
Jim Richstad and Michael H. Anderson, two communication studies
scholars involved in the early years of the right to communicate
movement, describe a right to communicate as:
the right to
inform and be informed, the right to active participation in the
communication process, the right of equitable access to information
resources and information, and the right of cultural and individual
privacy from communication. (Richstad &
Anderson, 1981, pp. 26-27)
On the initiative of right to communicate
advocates UNESCO undertook in the 1970s and early 1980s an
initiative to define and promote such a right. This initiative
included a series of meeting of experts to explore the implications
and meaning of a right to communicate. Echoing earlier formulations,
the experts concluded:
Everyone has a
right to communicate. Communication is a fundamental social process
which enables individuals and communities to exchange information
and opinions. It is a basic human need and foundation of all social
organization. The right to communicate belongs to individuals and
the communities which they compose. (as cited in
Fisher 1982, 38)
More recently, L. S. Harms offered the following
description:
-
Everyone has the right to communicate;
this fundamental human right includes but is not limited to the
following specific communication rights:
-
A right to assemble, a right to speech, a
right to participate and relation association rights;
-
A right to inform, a right to be informed,
a right to inquire and relations information rights;
-
A right to privacy, a right to choose, a
right to culture and related global rights (Harms, 2002).
As seen, Harms also emphasized, as had others,
that the recognition of the right to communicate requires that the
resources be available to meet the basic communication needs of
everyone. A right to communicate, then, embodies a number of
essential values, including:
1.
It is a universal human right that
acknowledges cultural diversity.
2.
It is possessed by both individuals and
collectives.
3.
It encompasses traditional communication
rights including intellectual freedom, privacy, intellectual
property, cultural, and linguistic rights but within a broader human
right framework.
4.
It includes the right to participate in
the development, use and governance of media of communication.
5.
It is a positive right in that the state
has the responsibility to provide the resources enabling individuals
and groups to exercise a right to communicate, however, because of
the global nature of electronic, interactive communication action
can be required of international bodies as well.
For the purpose
of this paper, each of these values will be examined with specific
reference to the DRIP.
1. A Universal
Human Right That Acknowledges Cultural Diversity
It was not until
the adoption of the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human
Rights in 1948 that the concept of universal human rights
was accepted at the international level in a formally endorsed text.
As new rights are advanced, debate continues over the universality
of rights, in particular with regard to their intercultural
implications (Flynn, 2005). While the concept of “cultural
relativism” of human rights has been rejected by the majority of
states, there is recognition that the achievement of human rights
must be in the context of cultural diversity. This is particularly
the case with a right to communicate due to the inextricable
relationship between communication and culture.
The DRIP affirms
the concept of universal human rights in the context of cultural
diversity. Article (I) states emphatically that, “Indigenous peoples
have the right to the full enjoyment, as a collective or as
individuals, of all human rights and fundamental freedoms as
recognized in the Charter of the United Nations, the UDHR and
international human rights law.” However, it also recognizes the
cultural diversity of and among indigenous peoples: “Recognizing
that the situation of indigenous peoples varies from region to
region and from country to country and that the significance of
national and regional particularities and various historical and
cultural backgrounds should be taken into consideration.”
Consequently,
seen in this manner, indigenous peoples have the right to
self-determination which allows them to determine their political
status, Article (3), to maintain and strengthen their distinct
political, legal, economic, social and cultural development, Article
(5). Diversity is further elaborated upon with regard to rights
related to collective security as a distinct people, Article (7.2);
protection from forced assimilation and destruction of their
culture, Article (8); belonging to indigenous communities according
to their distinct customs and traditions, Article (9), including
their spiritual and religious traditions, customs and ceremonies,
Article (12); and controlling their own educational systems, Article
(14).
As if to drive
home the acknowledgement of cultural diversity Article (33) states:
“Indigenous peoples have the right to determine their own identity
or membership in accordance with their customs and traditions. This
does not impair the right of indigenous individuals to obtain
citizenship of the States in which they live.” Furthermore, to
protect their cultural identity they have the right, according to
Article (34), to develop the necessary institutional and judicial
structures to promote and protect their distinctive custom,
traditions, and practices. It is clear the DRIP does not conceive of
a conflict between recognized universal rights and rights arising
out of cultural diversity.
2. Recognition
of both Collective and Individual Rights
Some contend that
rights are possessed solely by individuals, not collectives or
communities. The debate over individual versus collective rights
continues to be a consistent part of the philosophical discourse on
the nature and validity of human rights. In the meantime, there is
solid recognition in formally adopted international and national
human rights texts, beginning with the UDHR, that groups or
collectives can possess human rights. Collective rights are
entrenched in international law with the UN International Covenant
on Social, Economic, and Cultural Rights (1967) as well as texts
directed at specific groups such as the UN Convention on Elimination
of Discrimination Against Women (1979) and the Convention on the
Rights of the Child (1989). Collective rights are also found in such
national documents as the Canadian Charter of Rights of Freedoms
(1982) with regard to Francophone linguistic and Aboriginal people’s
rights.
Since
communication is inherent to being human but also central to social
organization and cultural development, advocates of a right to
communicate have always seen it as both an individual and a
collective right. However, because freedom of speech and the press
are among the earliest of political and civil rights individual
rights, some within the mass media sector see a collective right to
communicate as a threat to these earlier rights. As we will see in
the next section, supporters of a right to communicate argue that
such a right encompasses, rather than denies, these individual
rights. Because the debate continues over individual and collective
rights, it is significant whenever recently adopted human rights
texts, such as the DRIP, reinforce both individual and collective
rights.
The DRIP clearly
recognizes the application of rights to both individuals and
collectives. Article (1) states specifically that “Indigenous
peoples have the right to the full enjoyment, as a collective or as
individuals, of all human rights and fundamental freedoms….”
Article (7) states that “Indigenous peoples have the collective
right to live in freedom, peace and security as distinct peoples ….”
Article (8) states that “both Indigenous peoples and individuals”
have a right not to be subject to forced assimilation or destruction
of their culture while Article (9) indicates both have a right to be
a member of an indigenous collective in accordance to the traditions
of that collective. Many other articles also refer to indigenous
peoples having various rights relating to language such as Article
(13), their own media in Article (16), intellectual property in
Article (31), and their identity in Article (33).
3. Encompasses
Traditional Communication Rights Including Intellectual Freedom,
Privacy, Intellectual Property, Cultural, And Linguistic Rights
The DRIP
addresses a number of communication issues that have been entrenched
in traditional liberal freedoms, such as access to information,
intellectual property, control of the media, and cultural
development. However, because of the nature of indigenous knowledge
systems, which differ substantially from the prevailing scientific
based knowledge system (Birdsall & Shearer 2007, pp. 44-45), the
DRIP challenges current interpretations of such rights and is
therefore seen by some as a threat to traditional communication
freedoms.
Advocates of a
right to communicate never envisaged it would be a substitute for
well established communication rights. Rather, they believe these
rights are strengthened by being placed within a broader framework
of an ascending progression of freedoms and rights whose capstone is
a right to communicate (see d’Arcy, 1983; and Fisher, 1982 for
example). In contrast to statements of traditional liberal
communication freedoms, this framework places them in the context of
cultural diversity and collective rights. By addressing such issues
the DRIP reinforces the cultural and community values associated
with a right to communicate.
The issue of
intellectual freedom is addressed in Article (13) which states that
“indigenous peoples possess right to transmit to future generations
their histories, languages, oral traditions, philosophies, writing
systems and literatures”. Indigenous peoples have the right to
develop manifestations of their culture including ceremonies, visual
and performing arts, and literature. Article 16 gives indigenous
peoples the right to establish their own media along with access to
all modes of non-indigenous media. It also calls upon states,
“without prejudice to ensuring full freedom of expression, should
encourage privately owned media to adequately reflect indigenous
cultural diversity.”
Traditional
liberal rights place great emphasis on access to information.
However, as noted, a right to communicate recognizes the right of
individuals and groups not to communicate. For some
indigenous peoples their way of knowing and all or part of their
body of knowledge are sacred, consequently access is limited to the
members community or specific individuals within it, such as the
elders. Article (12) protects this ethos including “the right to
maintain, protect, and have access in privacy to their religious and
cultural sites” and “the right to the use and control of their
ceremonial objects….”
The protection of
the intellectual property rights of Indigenous communities is a high
profile issue (Britz & Lipinski, 2001, p. 235). Intellectual
property is addressed in Article (24) which makes reference to the
wide range of aspects of any knowledge system including the cultural
expression, sciences, technology, medicines, flora and fauna, oral
traditions, and so forth. Indigenous peoples are given the specific
right “to maintain, control, protect and develop their intellectual
property over such cultural heritage, traditional knowledge and
traditional cultural expressions.”
The right to
protect their culture and language is manifest throughout the UNDRIP
in many ways, some of which have already been touched upon. These
include references to the right to strengthen their cultural
institutions, to develop their own media, to collective intellectual
property rights, to preserve and use their own language in their
educational system, to preserve and develop their archaeological and
historical sites, artifacts, designs, and other manifestations of
their culture, and so forth. Indeed, the essence and objective of
the DRIP as a whole is the preservation of the cultural
distinctiveness, in all its manifestations, of indigenous peoples.
4. Participate
in the Development, Use and Governance of Media of Communication
The promotion of
a right to communicate in the 1970s and 80s was part of a larger
media reform movement which included a call for a media
democratization including the greater participation of consumers of
information media development and dissemination (Napoli, 2007).
Early advocates of a right to communicate recognized that
telecommunication and computing technological developments had a
tremendous potential to make accessible to everyone interactive
communication over satellite based global networks. They embraced
the idea that this direct involvement in global communication
required the full participation of users in the development, use,
and governance of communication media.
Their foresight
was affirmed with the convergence of the Internet, the World Wide
Web, and the personal computer in the 1990s. These developments
revived a call for media reform as well as generated an awareness
users must be involved in Web 2.0 and other media development (Birdsall,
2007). The DRIP makes specific reference to the right of indigenous
peoples to participate in the development of their own media as well
as access to non-Indigenous media. Article (16) states:
1. Indigenous
peoples have the right to establish their own media in their own
languages and to have access to all forms of non-indigenous media
without discrimination.
2. States shall
take effective measures to ensure that State-owned media duly
reflect indigenous cultural diversity. States, without prejudice to
ensuring full freedom of expression, should encourage privately
owned media to adequately reflect indigenous cultural diversity.
5. Positive
Rights at the National and International Level
From the
beginning advocates and students of a right to communicate have seen
it as a positive right, that is, the state has the responsibility to
insure citizens have the resources available to exercise their
right. However, a right to communicate is like other more recent
rights in that they require not only national but international
action because of the global nature of the issue, whether it is
global communication, the environment, common heritage, and so
forth.
Action at both
the national and international level is called for in the DRIP.
Article after article stipulates with regard to a wide range of
rights that “States shall provide effective mechanisms”. “States
shall provide redress…,” “States shall seek to enable….,” “States
shall take effective measures…,” “States shall legal recognition and
protection…,” and “States shall establish and implement…..” Article
38 specifically asserts that “States in consultation and cooperation
with indigenous peoples, shall take the appropriate measures,
including legislative measures, to achieve the ends of this
Declaration.” Article (39) speaks to the need for resources so
indigenous peoples can exercise their rights: “Indigenous peoples
have the right to have access to financial and technical assistance
from States and through international cooperation, for the enjoyment
of the rights contained in this Declaration.”
As can be seen,
Article (39) also encompasses the need for “international
cooperation.” The need for international action is also addressed in
Article (42) which states: “The United Nations, its bodies,
including the Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues, and specialized
agencies, including at the country level, and States shall promote
respect for and full application of the provisions of this
Declaration and follow up the effectiveness of this Declaration.”
A Final Comment
Using the DRIP as a
case study, this paper demonstrates a strategy of constructing a
right to communicate through the examination of a diversity of legal
texts, judgments, and opinions to delineate the extent to which they
embody elements of a right to communicate. Other UN texts might have
been selected for such an analysis.
For example, the UNESCO Convention
on the Protection and Promotion of
the Diversity of Cultural Expressions that
stipulates in Article (6, 2h)
which parties to the Convention have the right and obligation to
take “measures aimed at
enhancing diversity of the media, including through public service
broadcasting” (UNESCO, 2005). The Convention also addresses issues
such as civil society participation, access to and preservation of
modes of cultural expression, and international cooperation, to
mention only a few examples.
Debate over the
values embodied in the DRIP and in a right to communicate will
continue. Let us remember four countries with large indigenous
populations voted against it: Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and
the United States. During the drafting negotiations, these and other
nations raised a wide range of concerns about the Declaration
including intellectual property rights, education, the rights of
others, and self-determination, self-government, and indigenous
institutions (Davide, 2007). These are all issues relevant to a
right to communicate. Thus, we can anticipate the achievement of a
right to communicate will take time and that such a right will
always be an open work continually under construction (Birdsall,
2006). However, the growing personal experience of people around the
world with the complex issues arising out of global, interactive
communication and converging media could generate further human
rights movements similar to that of indigenous peoples, movements
resulting in further texts embodying the values of a right to
communicate. In time, we may discover through continual analysis of
such texts that everyone can, indeed, exercise their right to
communicate.
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About the Author
Dr. William F. Birdsall is currently a library
consultant, Halifax, Canada. He was University Librarian for 18
years at Dalhousie University in Halifax and later served as
Executive Director of Novanet, a consortium of university libraries.
He is a member of the international Right to Communicate Group. His
publications include papers and books on the development of
librarianship, the political economy of librarianship, the myth of
the electronic library, telecommunications public policy, the
digital divide, and the right to communicate. His work has been
translated into Japanese, Norwegian, and Portuguese (Brazil) among
others. He is the author or co-author of recent papers on the right
to communicate including “The Internet and the right to
communicate,” First Monday (2003); “Technological evolution
and the right to communicate,” EJC/REC: the Electronic Journal of
Communication (2004); “A right to communicate as an open work,”
Media Development (2006); “Web 2.0 as a social movement,”
Webology (2007).
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