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Article No. 10
The Intersections of Women Centered
Media: Funding and the Struggle for Our
Human Rights (*)
Ariel Dougherty
Media Equity Collaborative, USA
Abstract
The rise of women centered media, their
activist teachings and their extension to give voice to many
different women starting in the late 1960s demand a sea-change in
awareness and support within women’s movement and funding circles.
Recounting numerous examples of women centered media—especially
around six funding models—from Feminist International Radio
Endeavor (FIRE) to Young Parents No Fixed Address Network, common
threads are drawn pointing to an evolution of a feminist public
sphere and the ability of these works to stimulate change. Some
historic markers are drawn, such as the Third World Conference on
Women at Nairobi as well challenges for today by human rights
leader Sirlatha Batliwala and communication activist Sally Burch.
Key Words: Women Centered
Media; Feminist Media; Value-Driven Journalism; Participatory
Media; Feminist Public Sphere; Interventionist Media Maker;
Women’s Media Ownership; Media Justice; Transnational Network.
Introduction
Women centered media, or women owned media, has
evolved since 1968 when the first journal “No More Fun and
Games” from Cell 16 in Boston was published, and the first
women’s films from Community Newsreel rolled on projectors. The
central aim of such a movement continues to be telling the stories
of women and girls, largely in their “own voices”, empowering them
to be engaged to speak about the real conditions of their lives.
Ranging from newspapers to online videos, women centered media
also encompass radio, blogs, zines, advocacy, films, broadsides,
magazines among others. Set in opposition, against the prevailing
backdrop of the increasingly tightly controlled mainstream
corporate media, it is important to highlight that women centered
media are under resourced and often little known outside the
women’s movement. From an activist involved in this movement, I am
alarmed for the longevity of this particular, yet essential
multi-layered forum for feminist voices to articulate theory,
exchange ideas and advance the movement and increase
women’s visibility and effect on everyday life.
In their book, The Race Beat, Gene
Roberts and Hank Kilbanoff describe the dogged dedication of the
US black press without which they underscore there would not have
been a Civil Rights Movement in Post-WWII for Afro-Americans
(Roberts & Kilbanoff, 2006). In 1977 Allen and Densmore wrote a
10-point feminist analysis of mainstream media where they
encapsulated the basic principle that an advance for women and
women’s issues could not be achieved without having a strong
women-centered and women owned communications system. They
synthesized this conclusion into the succinct term: “No Women’s
Media, No Women’s Progress”. This premise is paramount. The larger
women’s movement, and women centered media within it, is at a
crossroads. Feminists – leaders in human rights, economists,
reproductive justice activists – are all in various forums
re-evaluating the focus of women’s collective efforts. Sally Burch
especially challenges us about our information systems explaining
that there is a new urgency for “movement building” (Burch, 2007).
Although some funders have responded, there is still a conspicuous
absence of awareness, understanding, and the deep support of the
vital role of the feminist media in building the movement. This
paper is a critical commentary around the present funding sources
for women centered media and the need for vastly increased
support. A deeper analysis and need for a human rights
framework—Women’s right to information for their lives as well as
the right to express and shape information and knowledge into many
media—is vital.
Drawing from my activism in this field, this
commentary intends to draw theory from practice. It is argued here
that through stimulating a greater dialogue among academics and
activists specifically around feminist communications issues,
policy, history and economy, a real attempt could induce more
study and awareness about women centered media.
Value-Driven Media: The Core Dilemma
On May 11, 2008 Ammu
Joseph, an Indian journalist and blogger posted to the largely US
based Women In Media and News
website a most precise comment about the purpose and success of a
women’s media group in India. She explained that an Indian online
journal had recently referred to the Network of Women in Media,
India (NWMI):
In an increasingly
market-driven media climate, a network that nurtures value-driven
journalism among women has proved to be a lifeline for
professionals who believe that there’s more to the media than news
brands. Charumathi Supraja reports.
(May 11 2008,
www.wimnonline.org/WIMNsVoicesBlog/?p=1043)
Yet, as Ammu Joseph
reports this accolade, she underscores that Network of Women in
Media, India is hanging on by a thread, in wait of the next
funds. In a nutshell, this is the classic dilemma. Acclaimed
for great success to “nurture
value-driven journalism” yet denied the support to persist; A
perfect Catch-22.
Figure
1 - Masthead illustration by
Manjula Padmanbinan

Courtesy of
Network of Women in Media, India
http://www.nwmindia.org/
Can we not take the
notion “nurtures value-driven journalism” and give it a value,
especially in contrast to mainstream market-driven media which is
devoid of “value-driven journalism”, like such papers in the U.S.
that prior to the U.S. invasion of Iraq bought Bush administration
hyperbole hook, line and sinker with no questioning or argument?
Surely, those in women centered media
see that a threat to NWMI is a threat to us all. Does
Charmumathi Supraja writing for an Indian journal see that
connection? That the success of her work is in some way connected
to the achievements of women media makers working within the
framework of Network of Women in Media, India?
Within the US,
comprehension of mainstream media and the largely unacknowledged
presence and role of women centered media allows almost no
awareness to the interconnection between the dominate public
sphere and the feminist public sphere (Ross, 2006). The mission to
make these connections and
broaden awareness lies before us. By exploring some roots and
history of women centered media, we can start to see the depth,
difference and scope of women centered media; how it has evolved,
and what steps are still necessary.
Some Early Roots
“There is no audience for women’s films,”
distributors told Sheila Paige and myself in the early 1970s. By
the early 1970s we had four films made under the banner Women
Make Movies. While today Women Make Movies (WMM) is
known primarily as the international distributor of women’s
films and video, its very earliest roots were as a production
group. Women Make Movies first formed from city-wide
Women’s Liberation Movement meetings in New York City in 1969. In
Hollywood, one could count women directors on one hand, one can
barely notice any stories about women on the evening news. The
Women Make Movies main vision is to mainly make real stories
about women’s real lives. Paige and I, then both teachers in what
might be called the “first wave” of the youth media movement,
joined two other women from these women’s liberation meetings to
start our first production on mothers and daughters.
By 1972, Paige and I, to a large extent because
of advantages from our film teaching jobs (a task that gave us
free access to editing equipment), were the remaining two original
members of WMM. In the winter of 1971-72, we incorporated WMM as a
non-profit educational organization. Specifically, it was intended
that WMM teach film, video, and radio to community women, for
that, the Chelsea neighborhood in NYC was selected to be our home
base given its diverse and mixed neighborhood.
Flyers were posted in laundromats, beauty
parlors, and supermarkets throughout the community. We knew
instinctively that women would bring fresh ideas and lively
visions to stories important to them. In our first year, and given
the support of a $9,000 grant from the New York State Council on
the Arts (based on our teaching background with Young Filmakers’s
Foundation), we were able to work with women from the age of 16 to
65 and get five short films completed. In June 1973, these
community women filmmakers were invited to present their new short
films and speak about their making at the Women and Film
International Festival in Toronto.
Figure 2 -
First flyer of Women Make Movies posted at laundromats,
beauty
parlors, and grocery stores throughout Chelsea, NYC, Spring, 1972

Used with permission
from Women Make Movies collection.
As we started the community workshop, we
immediately launched a distribution program, since we thought it
wise to have a stream of revenue, as well as having a degree of
sustainability through this revenue (if ever there was a time that
funders would not support our work). We clearly understood
feminism was political. New Day Films, Appalshop, Third World
Newsreel, California Newsreel, Filmmaker’s Library, Caynon Cinema
were parallel organizations of the period also distributing
independent film. Today, in 2008 and 36 years later, the primary
support for WMM is the income from distribution, which is now
about $1.4 million. About 50% of that is returned to the
filmmakers, and earned income creates the first model of support
(Zimmerman, 2008).
A National Movement
At the time when WMM’s standing was formed, we
joined not dozens, but hundreds of others media activists—not only
in the US but other parts of the globe—who claimed media as a
social change tool, and began to start counter-structures to the
entertainment and the commercially driven media industry. At the
time, none of us explicitly saw our media work within a framework
of Article (19) of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
As that deeper analysis and understanding would come later, yet,
this vital media and information work paralleled the evolution and
development of our fellow activists who were attracted to human
rights work; environmental work; development work and other forms
of social change activism.
In 1975, when WMM held a conference of women’s
film and video organizations within the US, we identified 78
separate women’s film and/or video groups and women active within
mixed groups. As a way for the groups to keep in touch, we
published their contact information in a booklet for the
conference. At the top of the list it states: “The list is a
process” (Dougherty et al, 1975). Today few of those groups
remain; yet, there are new ones that have emerged.
Martha Allen’s, The Development of
Communications Networks Among Women, 1963-1983
remains the best record of
early WMM media. She identifies and lists about 600 multi-issue
publications; and 600 single-issue periodicals. She delves into many
more aspects about women’s media—such as video, film, music groups,
etc. Her work is not a deep analysis, yet, it provides a
historical record of the period, serving
as an important reference point for future activists and
scholarship.
Multi-Levels of Demanding Media Change and Connecting
Internationally
In 1983, the Seneca Women’s Encampment for a
Future of Peace and Justice has been formed aiming to stop
deployment of nuclear and other weapons to Europe. The US action was
a direct outgrowth of the highly successful Greenham Commons
mobilization in England. In a brazen move, women bought a 52 acre
farm that butted right up to the military installation in upstate
New York that harbored the weapons prior to shipment to England.
Within the Seneca Women’s Encampment, the leadership had a clear
policy on media. For example, male reporters could not go past the
front lawn of the house; and if a media
outlet sent a male crew they would not have full access. Later women
reporters came up to the organizers and said:
I want to thank you, I
have been trying to get in the field [to] be an investigative
reporter and I could not. It was the Encampment that allowed that
door to open…..by you all holding your ground and saying that we
couldn’t have access to the true-behind the scenes story without it
being women. We were given a shot.
(Michelle Crone interview, 2006)
First Lady Eleanor
Roosevelt also held women-only press sessions within the White House
in the 1930s. Her intent was very similar as the Women’s
Encampment—to broaden the professional media opportunities
for women. In 1948, she brought the same wisdom and leadership to
the creative breadth and dynamics in creation of the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights.
Figure 3 -
Newsletter from the Women’s Encampment

Used by permission
from
http://www.peacecampherstory.blogspot.com/
A newsletter was the
primary tool of outreach for the Encampment; dense with information
and news on actions, it was mailed to thousands of women across the
US. Nevertheless, it also became an effective grassroots
fund raising tool as women, in a steady
stream, sent in contributions to keep the Encampment going. One can
see here that one media tool becomes the effective vehicle for a
second model of funding: grassroots contributions.
The Women’s Encampment
was so inspiring that it led to creating an entirely new women’s
media team. In Boston Women’s
Video Collective (WVC) came together to specifically cover
events at Seneca. The video, Stronger Than Before was the
story of the Encampment that evolved from their many hours of
shooting at Seneca.
The video collective
played the daily “rushes” each evening in the barn at the
encampment. They also presented a great deal of the raw footage on
community access channels back in the Boston area and at numerous
community screenings. WVC worked hard to engage their
community in the salient women’s
issues of the time. Nancy Clover comments that “It was such a
period of growth and change” (Clover, 2008). This growth and
development was universal during the 1980s for the global women’s
movement as peace initiatives like the Seneca and Greenham Commons
encampments were center points of solidarity.
Figure 4 - The
Boston Women’s Video Collective

Used with
permission from
© Nancy Clover,
1983.
http://www.peacecampherstory.blogspot.com/
An international reach
and perspective was eagerly sought. Boston WVC sent a crew to
document activities at the 1985 Nairobi
women’s international conference. Undaunted by the technical
challenges, they also arranged for a live feed broadcast of a
roundtable discussion from Nairobi back to Boston (Kelemen, 2007).
First Transnational Meeting of Women Centered Media
The first major effort to create a transnational
network among women centered media came in 1985 in Nairobi at the
Third World Conference on Women. Gerry Rogers—who worked in
Studio D, the women’s film unit in Montreal of the National Film
Board of Canada (NFB)—envisioned the possibility as she had the
economic security to formulate such a vision, because she sat within
a well funded, yet women centered unit, with the NFB. Hence such
leadership, and concepts, could emerge. Rogers gathered together 60
representatives of feminist media organizations from all over the
globe to meet in Nairobi. Over several days of work, they mapped out
a plan: a global network of support, development and action (Rogers,
2008). The concept was, however, ambitious and way ahead of the
collective ability to execute. But an intent and vision were
certainly articulated. At almost every international gathering of
women since Mexico 1975, there has been a vital evolution in a media
platform within the governmental sessions. This particular effort
among the non-governmental organization (NGO) sector in Nairobi was
unique in that it was a considerable first effort to organize
transnational women centered media organizations across the globe.
Sadly, the pioneering director of Studio D, Kathleen Shannon,
stepped down shortly after Nairobi. By 1996 this far-sighted and
ambitious division within the National Film Board was axed in budget
cuts (see:
http://www.collectionscanada.gc.ca/women/002026-714-e.html).
So the impetus Studio D lead in
Nairobi, largely, floundered. The key architecture from the Nairobi
meetings was that organizations in the North take responsibility and
leadership to ensure that sister organizations in the South were
equally funded (Rogers, 2008). At the time, it was hard to
comprehend how fickle support even among many groups of the North
really was. Groups such as Cinema of Women (COW) who
participated in the Nairobi meeting, like Studio D, would
disappear by 2000.
Inheritor from Nairobi: One Woman’s Support
The most significant beneficiary of the
transnational meeting of women centered media at Nairobi was the
creation of Feminist International Radio Endeavor (FIRE)
which Genevieve Vaughan attended. By this
time, through the Foundation for a Compassionate Society, she had
been funding Women’s International News Gathering Service (WINGS),
a radio syndication, and “Let the
People Speak”, a public access television series, both out of
Austin, Texas. Vaughan took the mandate for North Americans to
assist funding media efforts in South American seriously. Over the
years, but especially in 1991, she assisted in support of FIRE,
which represented a dynamic radio collective, based in Costa Rica
that served at once a regional population and a global community of
activists.
FIRE’s
first broadcasts were by shortwave radio; then moved to internet
radio in 1998. Produced in Spanish and English, “by all means
connecting voices, technologies and actions, amplifying women’s
voices worldwide” became its slogan (Thompson, Anfossi-Gómez
& Suárez, 2005). As activist
media FIRE has always been connected to various social and
political movements, the radio collective is deeply committed to its
audience having interactivity with
its users—both listeners and website users (FIRE,
http://www.radiofeminista.net/), where its interactive ICT
(information and communication technologies) gives FIRE a
global reach.
Figure 5 - María-Suárez Toro
Educator, human rights activist, radio
producer

Used with permission of Reclaim the Media from
http://www.reclaimthemedia.org/mediaheroes?page=2
Over a five-year
period, its audience was researched to both understand and better
serve its diverse constituency. FIRE serves as an important
leader in its region of Central and South America, not solely about
media but on many social justice
issues. The organization has provided leadership among women
centered media internationally. In advance of the Beijing, held in
NYC in 2005, María Suárez of FIRE conceived the idea of the
Women’s Media Pool (WMP) as a way to broaden the
reporting on the sessions. WMP is an amalgam, now, of 48
women’s media and other organizations from pockets across the globe
with the objective to “give voice to all issues that are of
significant importance to women’s lives in the present global
context”
(http://www.womensmediapool.org/objectives.htm).
One Fund…Many
Grassroots Media Projects
Since 2000, many
scores of different women’s grassroots media efforts in several
dozen developing nations have various projects supported by the
single most active fund specifically directed to women’s
media. First named Women’s Radio Fund,
now called Women’s Media Fund, and housed at the Global
Fund for Women, this initiative has been nurtured along by
Dorothy Abbott since its inception
(http://www.womensradiofund.org/about.htm).
Filmmaker Julie Parker Benello has partnered with Abbott since the
move to the Global Fund for Women to create a Field of
Interest Fund “that uses media as a principle strategy to advance
women’s human rights worldwide” (http://womensmediafund.org/index.htm).
In 2005, the
Women’s Media Fund awarded a total of $95,500 to 11 groups in as
many countries: (3 groups from Africa; 3 from South America, 2
Eastern European, and one each in Turkey, Fuji and India). The
actual
scope of the media is equally diverse. Mujeres Públicas,
founded in 2003, addresses the “political through the creative”. The
grant was to continue their street savvy confrontational use of
public space to force issues of “women's humanity, citizenship, and
rights” to the surface: “Through the use of creative print
campaigns, the group utilizes public spaces and public images to
address and challenge ideas that are destructive or harmful to women
or lesbians and their full expression of their rights”
(http://womensmediafund.org/grantees_2005.htm)
Figure 6 - Members
of Mujeres Públicas Posting one of their Posters in a Public Space

Photo used with
permission of Mujeres Públicas
http://www.mujerespublicas.com.ar
In Mumbai, India, the
Sound
and Picture
Archives for Research on Women (SPARROW) (http://www.sparrowonline.org/)
also was awarded a grant from Women’s Media Fund in 2005.
Formed in 1988, the dynamic organization collects information and
images of women, creates films, audio and print media, and functions
as a resource center for scholars, policy makers, activists and
organizations interested in women’s history.
Archiving
contemporary history encompassing the social, political, and
cultural history has not traditionally been considered an activity
that is crucial to development processes in India. As the group
notes, ‘it is necessary that lives are documented and this is made
available so that development plans can reflect reality and are not
formulated in a void’.
(http://womensmediafund.org/grantees_2005.htm)
For 2007, the most recent year listed for funded
organizations, the Women’s Media Fund awards went to a
smaller grouping, among these recent grants was one to Women,
Media and Development (TAM) (http://www.tam-media.org/english/home.htm)in
Bethlehem, Palestine. Formed in 2004, TAM addresses the under
representation of women and gender issues in media coverage in
Palestine. “TAM’s mission and projects
directly address the use of media
and internet to promote and enhance the image of women, create room
for dialogue on many “taboo” issues relating to gender, and promote
more networking between women’s organizations and individuals” (http://womensmediafund.org/grantees_2007.htm).
With support from Women’s Media Fund, TAM was able to
create a website to serve artists, writers, activists and
journalists linking Palestinian women from the West Bank and the
Gaza Strip.
The “Brave” Funder
“Mama Cash invests in
taboo breaking initiatives of women across the world,” states the
Netherlands’ based fund (http://www.mamacash.org/page.php?id=1).
They have not extensively supported media,
however, they did fund a very imaginative, lively project,
StudioMobile – Accent on Action
from Georgia. As in Palestine, women’s issues on television are
non-existent in Georgia. StudioMobile creates TV and radio
shows, then, the women producers literally take them on the road. As
they travel into remote mountainous and rural villages, they gather
village women together and show the programs. The community women
are encouraged to talk about their lives. Then StudioMobile
women create new shows in collaboration with the village women.
A new women’s group
from an isolated mountain village wrote to us: ‘They arrived in a
van, got the young women together and showed us films about our
lives! We didn't know anything about women's rights; we didn't know
that a women's movement existed. Following their visit, we started
to have meetings and make plans, and we asked them whether they
would help us set up a group ourselves’. So this project had an
immediate effect.
(Esther Vonk,
European programme officer)
The Norwegian Model
One especially
intriguing and revolutionary, funding model exists for at least one
woman centered media. Through
its national chapter in Norway, the International Association of
Women in Television and Radio (IAWRT) receives support from
Forum for Women and Development in Norway
(FOKUS). At present, 71 separate organizations within FOKUS have
their international solidarity work coordinated and fiscally
supported by the Norwegian umbrella organization.
The affiliated
organisations in FOKUS include traditional and radical feminist
organisations, environment and solidarity organisations, women in
trade unions and workers organisations, immigrant- and refugee women
and women's units in development NGOs, church organisations and
political parties.
(http://www.fokuskvinner.no/English/2228)
That
both “traditional” as well as “radical feminist” organizations are
delineated is a rarity. FOKUS is to be
commended
for its recognition of a wide spectrum of political views within
feminism. Its inherent goal of women within Norway linking arms in
solidarity and working with women in other sectors of the globe is
truly remarkable.
Supported by FOKUS, IAWRT was formed in 1951 to perform vital
organizing and networking for women in broadcast journalism across
the globe. IAWRT chapters conduct regional projects like film
festivals, and hold regional meetings, as well as its biennial
international gathering. As an
international
non-governmental organization (NGO) they have official UN
consultative status with the Economic and Social Council (http://www.iawrt.org/).
It is important to mention here
that, in some ways,
the FOKUS support of IAWRT follows the design from the
Nairobi meetings.
Media as Participatory Activism
In Fall 2007, Ann
Jones a writer and photo journalist, joined International Rescue
Committee’s work in West Africa in its Gender Based Violence unit.
She worked with groups of women in small villages in Côte d’Ivoire,
Liberia and Sierra Leone; and is now in Democratic Republic
of Congo. Outwardly she teaches still digital camera skills to girls
and women to combat violence against women in a project (the
Global Crescendo) whose aim is to give a voice to women in
conflict zones.
Digital
cameras are the tool. I arrive with them and lend them to women,
most of whom have never seen a camera before. I teach them to point
and shoot—only that—and then I turn them loose to snap what they
will. I ask them to bring me some photos of their problems and their
blessings. They work in teams, two or three women sharing a camera
and very nervous at first. (Some women actually shake.) It takes the
whole team to snap the first photos: one holds the camera, another
points, another shoots.
(Ann
Jones blog, May 14, 2008)
Ann Jones is the first to underscore that the aim
is not photography per se (Tomsdispatch, 2008), rather, the main
goal is teaching these media skills and getting the women to
document things in their communities. Small groups share use of a
camera, but each woman receives her own memory card. The power
relationship of the women changes instantly within their
communities. Previously excluded from the use of the most basic
technological tools (such as the radio), all of sudden these women,
seen with digital cameras, and are treated with new respect,
and most importantly, the women come to see themselves differently.
Jones selects only two works of each woman for a
public exhibition, where each of speaks about her photographs. For
women, some who were forbidden even to look at a village chieftain,
speaking in public is both powerful and empowering.
Figure 7 - Global
Crescendos

Gender Club advisor
Mr. Shariff holds the megaphone and listens attentively as
12-year-old Isata Amadu presents a photograph she took of him. Isata
is about to bring down the house. Used with permission from Ann
Jones, 2008. Courtesy of International Rescue Committee
In reality, Global
Crescendos is about assisting women to stand up and speak;
encouraging them to become
advocates for themselves. In the Gender Club as the young girls
discussed their photographs this is what they did.
They speak of early
pregnancy and sexual exploitation. They speak of the importance of
girls’ education. Then 12-year-old Isata Amadu connects the dots.
Pointing to a photo of Mr. Shariff, she says: “He gives us
information to help us in our lives. I took his picture because all
teachers should follow the example of Mr. Shariff—and they should
desist from impregnating schoolgirls.” Parents gasp. One mother
shrieks. The room buzzes. The headmistress puts her head in her
hands. Isata returns to her seat while the other girl photographers
cheer and throw her high fives. Shy little Isata has voiced the
unspeakable truth that everybody knows. She speaks for every girl in
the room. She speaks for every girl who wants to get an education,
every girl who wants to contribute to her community, every girl who
wants to be all she can be. Isata herself wants to be a teacher.
(Ann Jones, April 3, 2008)
A parallel project to
Global Crescendos is the
National Film Board of Canada’s Filmmaker, intiated with St.
Michael’s Hospital in Toronto. Katerina Cizek, a creative and
sensitive filmmaker, was attached to “the frontlines of an urban
hospital”, identifies as an “interventionist” media maker. She
described “interventionist and participatory media” with this
question: “How can documentarians work to
make media with people instead of about people?” She
advocates “building media projects with partners that aim to change
world-views, lives, policies, conditions—and tell good stories too”
(Cizek in, the Canadian Screen Training center).
The project at St Mike’s was designed as a
process, not a product. The very high number of homeless teenage
girls giving birth evolved into a special project within the larger
project. Cizak wisely choose digital still cameras as the
appropriate tool for these young mothers to document their lives.
Next Cizak organized a photo blogging workshop which came to be
identified as Young Parents No Fixed Address Network. On-line
the young women created an evolving photo diary. Through the photos
of these young women, the nurses and other hospital personnel were
better able to see and understand their perspectives as homeless
teenage mothers.
Figure 8 - Exhibition of the Photographs from
the Young Parents No Fixed Address project

Used from permission from the National Film
Board of Canada
There was a public exhibition of their work,
where young women were hired by the hospital to create images for a
report. These new parents, thrilled with their new found voices,
demanded that the pilot short-term photoblog project continue. They
are seeking ways to use the photoblog as a political tool to
communicate about an emerging controversy in a neighborhood in
Toronto. Lastly, they are using the photoblog to advocate for their
own housing. A large wait list for housing on average creates an
eleven year backlog for a home.
Shabnam Virmani of the Drishti Media
Collective based in Ahmedabad, India holds an activist belief
that people in communities can use media to speak with one another.
In a self-examining and highly informative article she wrote for
Feminist Media Studies, Virmani states: “Video and other popular
media can be used to ‘close the loop’ and move us away from
dominant, vertical modes of communication into more dynamic lateral
and circular ones” (Virmani 2001, p. 234). Learning from an earlier
film, Virmani expounds on a similar participatory film methodology
as Cizek:
……through a series of workshops and unstructured
interaction, women get involved in defining the content, the script
and ultimate usage of the film. They genuinely begin to use the film
as an opportunity for self-expression. They develop a sense of
ownership about the film.
(Virmani, 2001, p. 236)
In this manner, a much more collective concept of
the production emerges. By enlarging the circle of women with a
vested interest in the story and the actual making of the film, the
activist use and frequent presentation of the film is guaranteed.
Therefore the film’s effect as an educational and consciousness
raising tool will impact more people in more communities.
Defining Women’s Centered Media: Articulating the Right to
Communicate
What are some common threads to emerge in these
varied projects? At the core of women’s centered media is the
commitment to extend, educate, encourage women to find their own
voices and to explore, experiment as to what is the most appropriate
tool in making that voice come alive. Public exhibition and speaking
are vital, and there is a common understanding that media must
evolve from needs, not impose some prescription of commercial media
onto people. Awareness about women’s actual conditions is paramount
to better strengthening content as well as drawing audiences. The
actual form of media creation and delivery must remain flexible,
innovative and dynamic to address the real live circumstances of
women and girls. In short, it must be participatory and inclusive.
Lastly, it includes a wide variety of outlets before the public.
The human capacity for intelligent communication
and dialogue creates the possibility for formation of ideas, sharing
knowledge, development of cultures and building societies. It
follows that communication is a fundamental need of all humans, and
as such, should be guaranteed as a right.
(Burch, Executive Director of Agencia
Latinamericana de Informacion, 2007)
Via meetings and developments within civil
society over the last few decades the issue of the right to
communicate has evolved. Article (19) in the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights has been an anchor in this analysis
and its evolution, as we all struggle against the neo-liberal
hegemony that centers the market at the core of social organization.
As Burch summarizes: “communication has become too important a
social issue for it to be a concern solely of those directly
involved in this sector” (Burch, 2007). Burch goes on to outline
several democratization efforts, especially those to codify
communication rights into international law.
In many sectors of the today’s women’s movement,
women are seeking a re-evaluation and a re-invigoration for the
movement. Sirlatha Batliwala, a long time women’s rights advocate
and a Civil Society Research Fellow at the Hauser Center for
Nonprofit Organizations, Harvard University is one such individual.
In her capacity as President of the Board of Directors of Women,
Environment and Development Organization (WEDO), on March 6, 2007
she presented a challenge before the UN General Assembly:
There are some magic bullets popular in the area
of women’s empowerment and gender equality: gender mainstreaming,
micro-finance focused on lending rather than women’s empowerment,
and quotas for women in formal political systems. All three are good
ideas, indeed, they are interventions that the women’s movement
itself advocated, but they have been divested of the complex
transformative strategies within which they were originally embedded
and reduced to formulas, rituals and mantras. Some of these
approaches have resulted in women joining a polluted stream, as
WEDO’s founder, Bella Abzug once said; they are leading to women
disappearing from gender, and power being taken out of empowerment.
There is growing evidence from research and grassroots experiences
that mechanical and depoliticised implementation of these strategies
ensures that none of these, singly or together, necessarily empower
women. More importantly, these strategies have, in many contexts,
merely shifted greater responsibility and burden for economic
survival and political change onto women themselves, or ended up as
a numbers game. They are not able to uproot the deeply entrenched
relations of power between men and women, and between the dominant
and oppressed.
(Batliwala, “Walk Beside Us”, 2007)
She adds that “we need to consider whether the
issue is to mainstream gender equality in a deeply flawed and
unequal system, or to give priority and take lead in formulating and
building a different ‘information society,’ one that is founded on
human values, participatory communications and equity across gender,
culture and geographic barriers” (Burch, The Right To
Communicate: New Challenges for the Women’s Movement, 2007).
Mainstream media are failing women; something
radically new is needed. Within the women’s movement the
intersections between those of us working in media and those working
on human rights, and other issues, need to be strengthened.
Collaboratively we need to build a more on-going communications
system, so that information about all types of women’s work and
accomplishments are more universally available. Media Justice
demands, “if media work and media reform is not your first issue, it
should become your second” (Soundararajan, 2007).
We need to dust off the plan of the 60 media
activists who met in Nairobi in 1985. In light of new and vastly
more far-reaching technologies now available, we need to revise it.
Adding real teeth to an updated vision is paramount. Might the
Women’s Media Pool become a viable component of this
development? Lastly, women centered media organizations, along with
feminists in other arenas, need to enact this new updated plan. And,
of course, secure the necessary funding.
Expanding the Resources
To date, only a small amount of support has been
available to meet the huge need of a broad, diverse, dynamic and
global women’s media movement. Six very different models have
evolved thus far: (1) earned income, which as example, has made
Women Make Movies a sustainable organization; (2) grassroots
contributions at varying levels of support; (3) a key individual
donor, though she worked through a small foundation; (4) initiative
of another individual donor that has grown into a special fund with
more contributors within a larger fund; (5) a dynamic fund that
recognizes media as one of many tools of change/empowerment/human
rights (there are other funds which fit this model, but not enough);
and (6) state support. In this later case, the state support in
Canada of Studio D, was really through a back-door and
because of one person’s persistence, and is no longer. As for FOKUS
in Norway, the model is intriguing, but may not be universally
applicable to more women centered media activity. This analysis is a
first step in dissecting the funding conditions of women centered
media
Money does, however, come into women centered
media from a broad range of other sources beyond what I outline in
this paper. Women are very resourceful. Simply, though, is its not
enough. And, more importantly, it is not sustainable. Like so much
of women’s movement activity, it is time for a considered number of
new donors, especially of sizable means, to view women’s centered
media in new light. Strategically directed support of women centered
media by a vastly increased donor base will attract additional
capitalization and resources from yet other means to these specific,
and essential, means of communications for women’s issues.
References
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(http://www.isiswomen.org/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=688&Itemid=1).
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Joseph, Ammu—an Indian feminist journalist. (June
30, 2008). Personal correspondences with the author.
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30, 2007). Paper delivered
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Notes
(*) A skeleton, altered version of this paper was
presented in the 58th Annual Conference of the
International Communications Association, Montreal, Canada (May 22,
2008): Bridging the Divide Between Scholars and Activists / Mapping
Research Needed for Social Impact
A special thank you to
all who sprang quickly into action to provide permission for the
important images which enhance the telling of this story. I am
indebted to your swift care, and of course,
to your on-going work.
Sirlatha Batliwala is writing a major paper for
The 11th Association in Women and
Development International Forum on
Women's Rights and Development, The Power of Movements.
This global forum will be held in Cape Town, South Africa, November
14-17, 2008. Details about the conference can be accessed at (http://www.awid.org);
and more on Barliwala’s different writings can be found at (http://www.justassociates.org/bio.htm#srilatha).
Drishti Media Collective is a fascinating process
that has evolved a number of excellent models based on empirical
experience. Shabnam Virmani’s article in Feminist Media Studies
is a must read on feminist media pedagogy. The collective’s current
activities can be accessed at (http://www.drishtimedia.org/).
Genevieve Vaughan has
been a compassionate advocate of the Gift Economy. More
information about her theory and practices can be found at (http://www.gift-economy.com/practice.html).
“No More
Fun and Games”, Cell 16,
Boston, MA, USA 1968-1973, all issues, except #1 are still available
online at:
(http://www.greenlion.com/cgibin/SoftCart.100.exe/NMFG/nmfg.html?E+scstore).
Studio D
and its pioneer leader, Kathleen Shannon are historically important
in women’s media, a short description is available at (http://www.collectionscanada.gc.ca/women/002026-714-e.html).
Further the NFB now has two films on this remarkable studio that
turned dust into gold.
Vessel, a documentary in-production on Women on
Waves, and the organizations’ social justice challenge to the
international law and reproductive rights. Details about the film
can be found at (http://www.vesselthefilm.com/Vessel/Home.html).
Young Parents No Fixed Address project and other
aspects of the Filmmaker in Residence program at St. Mike’s can be
explored at (http://www.nfb.ca/filmmakerinresidence/blog/?cat=5)
as well as the filmmaker’s group blog at (http://www.onf.ca/filmmakerinresidence/blog/).
About the Author
Ariel Dougherty has worked in the women’s
media and cultural communities for 40 years. She produced Women
Make Movies award winning film, Healthcaring, in 1976.
More recently she directed and edited Colonized, From the
Interior featuring Vandana Shiva discussing biotechnology in
advance of the Earth Summit, 1992. In the November-December 2007
issue of Women’s Review of Books, she reviewed Women &
Media: A Critical Introduction by Carolyn Byerly and Karen Ross,
Blackwell, 2006. At present, she serves as associate producer on
Lynn Hershman’s documentary/memoir on the Feminist Art Movement,
1968-2007, Women, Art and Revolution due out in 2009. She is
Senior Research Consultant for Women’s
Media Equity Collaboration,
an academic and activist project that is conducting a survey of the
field of US women centered media organizations and analyzing
sustainable funding models. The Social Science Research Council
supports the project with funds provided by the Ford Foundation.
Ariel can be reached at:
arielcamera@gmail.com.
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