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Public Interest in Communications:
Beyond Access to Needs
Vanda Rideout
University of New Brunswick,
Canada
Abstract
The
Canadian government’s shift to a neo-liberal communication policy
regime has also been accompanied by a narrowing of the public
service aspect of public interest in communications. This has had a
major impact on community organizations that provide communication
and information services to citizens. As part of the regime both
federal and provincial levels of government invested heavily in
advanced digital networks and systems that permitted the outsourcing
of public and social services, which were previously provided by
government, to community organizations. The paper shows that these
services were provided with government short term programs and
initiatives, which only provided the community centers with
connectivity or learning networks. It also notes that the government
electronic systems measured and monitored organizational service
delivery and citizen interactivity. The paper proposes extending and
strengthening democratic communication rights and social collective
obligations as part of the public interest in communications to
address the broader needs that permit communities and individuals to
realize their full capabilities.
Keywords:
Public Interest; Access; Information Society; Public Policy;
Community; WSIS; Right to Communicate.
Introduction
Why
is the right to communication and information crucial in an
information society? The short answer is to address global, national
and local inequalities arising from neo-liberal media and
communication policy changes. A more in-depth answer would benefit
from considering Amartya
Sen’s
research for the United National Development Programme on equality
in order to address inequalities (Sen, 1992, p. 12). The solution he
offers is the capabilities approach, which is grounded on the
principles of freedom and distributive rights. Capabilities offer
the freedom to choose a life one has reason to value (Sen, 1999,
p.74). The concept also involves functionings – agency or doings –
the various things a person may do or value such as having adequate
nourishment, good health, self-respect and taking part in community
life (Ibid, p. 75).
The
approach has valuable implications for media and communications. As
Garnham explains the capabilities perspective demonstrates that
access to technologies is not enough (1999, pp. 120-121). To
evaluate communicative entitlements we need to consider a range of
real communication options beyond consumer products and services.
Communication entitlements should be broad enough to address social,
cultural,
community development, economic and political needs. In his analysis
of capabilities perspective and the issue of the digital divide
Couldry
argues that in richer developed countries initial policies that
focused on access to the internet are no longer fashionable. An
extensive body of international and national research reveals a gap
in communicative resources between countries and within countries (Couldry,
2007, p. 385). Neo-liberal government policy makers tend to apply a
narrow consumer freedoms focus on the distribution of access and
content. By contrast, Sen maintains that these economic freedoms are
presented as public freedoms. In other words communication
functionings conflates public, social and cultural freedoms to
consumer choice (1999, p. xii).
A
History of Progressive Agency
Communication and media history is rife with progressive movement
struggles over the democratization of earlier communication systems
and technologies from the telegraph, to telecommunications, radio
and television broadcasting, among others. In Canada and the United
States these struggles were successfully establishing public
interest and public service
policies
and regulation (see McChesney, 1997; Reddick, 2002;
Rideout,
2003; Schiller, 1999; & Winseck, 1998). An ongoing persistence to
establish communication rights and the right to communicate has been
led by such organizations and institutions as the New World
Information and Communication Order (NWICO), UNESCO, the MacBride
Commission, the International Telecommunication Union and, more
recently, the World Summit on the Information Society (WSIS).
In
particular recommendations from the MacBride Commission included the
free flow of information, a wider dissemination of information and
the
right to access information for the public and individuals, along
with
participation in the communication process. The subsequent report
Many Voices, One World identified the right to
communicate and receive information as important criteria for
development rights. It also underlined the importance of
communication needs rather than technological solutions to
address inequalities (UNSECO, 1980).
Since the MacBride Commission, progressive activism for the
democratization of communications has developed into a more complex
movement
that continues to include international communication, knowledge and
cultural workers and a number of international organizations,
institutions, associations such as UNESCO, the International
Association for Mass Communication Research (IAMCR), the UN-ITU
World Summit on the Information Society (WSIS) as well as scholars
and researchers. Calabrese maintains that the uniqueness of WSIS
relied on its inclusion of civil society groups in addition to
states and governments. Notwithstanding the flaws of civil society
actors, their participation and that of other progressive movements
have raised the consciousness of many sectors of society around the
world (Calabrese, 2004; Costanza-Chock, 2007).
Addressing traditional and new problems that have emerged from the
economic and political context of globalization WSIS participants
highlighted the
importance
of communications for a knowledge society. The WSIS Tunis
document affirmed (Article 19) of the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights (Principle 4). It has importantly reaffirmed the right to
communicate and a right to seek, receive and import information and
ideas through any media from everywhere in order for all peoples to
participate “from the benefits the Information Society offers” (WSIS,
2005).
A
dismissive neo-pluralist charge from Mueller on WSIS’ right to
communicate makes reference to its origins in the 1960s and 1970s
from critical
communication
scholars as nothing more than ideology. Erudite communication
scholars
raise concerns over WSIS’ technology solutions for information
society problems. Carlsson argues that WSIS has applied a technical
approach to media and communication issues, particularly issues
relating to the internet (2005, pp. 213-214). Similarly, Mansell &
Nordenstreng raise concerns over WSIS’ plan of action to bridge the
international digital divide through universal access with a strong
focus on connectivity to establish community access points for half
of the world’s population. They challenge the technology targets
that are offered rather than community needs and communication and
media processes. Understanding people’s needs must be the overriding
concern of developing strategies for communication and media
initiatives. They also point out that critical analysis on policy
and regulation changes at national, regional and international
levels is missing (Mansell & Nordenstre, 2006).
Narrowing the Public Interest in Communications through Neo-Liberal
Programs
The
following condensed summary provides an example of the shift to
Canadian neo-liberal policy changes and its impact on public
interest in communications. The changes
that have occurred to communication public service can be traced to
the neo-liberal public policy and regulatory shifts that began in
the 1980s. It included the liberalization of the telecommunication
markets, the privatization of federal government infrastructure and
the re-regulation of telecommunication policies, which fore-grounded
market criteria over public interest communication (Rideout, 2003;
Winseck, 1998).
The
neo-liberal agenda included economic development, trade and
competitiveness which also involved a strategy to build a world
class state-of-the-art communication technology system. The
government invested heavily in
advanced
communication infrastructures. The departments of Industry and
Health and Human Resources and Development were responsible for
developing programs and initiatives intended to address public
interest objectives. This included improving access to health
information, providing community access to the system, as well as
providing various social services through community networks.
Industry Canada’s Connecting Canadians program provided community
access to schools, voluntary organizations and community centres in
rural areas and urban centres.
Government Programs Impact On Public Access at Community
Organizations
The
community access program provided many benefits to urban and rural
Canadians who could not afford or because of a lack of broadband
infrastructure were unable to connect to an internet service
provider. At the height of the community access program
approximately 8000 sites were located in public libraries, public
schools and community centres. There were also a number of
challenges and problems primarily related to funding and
sustainability
issues. The access programme relied on a partnership basis between
community centres, the government and business. Although private
sector
partnership could take the form of in-kind services or financing
there was little evidence of any of these benefits to the community
sites (Rideout and Reddick, 2005).
The
community learning network (CLN) program, implemented by a branch of
Human Resources and Skills Development Canada – the Office of
Learning Technologies – focused on information society barriers
offering adults lifelong learning skills and training. It attempted
to address the real needs of the public and community organizations.
What attracted the
community
organizations was the substantively larger funding formula of $250,000
to $400,000 covering a two or three year period and its broad
interpretation of community to mean a geographic or an interest
based one.
By
contrast the communication access sites received a maximum of
$35,000 with most receiving less than $28,000. Initially,
approximately 100 networks were funded to provide employment-related
services and labour market programs. The program guidelines included
eligible costs as salaries for CLN employees. A long list of
ineligible expenses included the purchase and maintenance of
technology infrastructure such as computer
hardware
and software, internet provider services and technology support.
Partnerships were also told, rather optimistically to obtain
communication
access services from CAP recipients’. In its attempt to continue to
providing employment services to clients after the community
learning network program ended, the community organizations began
mining funding opportunities from other government agencies,
corporations and philanthropic possibilities (Rideout, 2002/3;
Rideout and Reddick, 2005).
Serving the Public Interest
Without exception federal and provincial governments have made
significant investments in advanced technological networks and
systems that provide public services to citizens (Rideout
forthcoming). The advanced government digital technologies provide
enormous gains in transmission speed
and
flexibility while at the same time expand the “commodity form to
products and services” (McKercher & Mosco, 2006, p. 734). Part of
neo-liberal
restructuring involved ‘contracting-out’ the delivery of
social services, that were previously provided at federal and
provincial levels, to community intermediary organizations. The
rationale for outsourcing was to keep costs low and build
efficiencies into the delivery of services by relying on new
innovative technological systems.
Incorporating free market principles into the
public service domain, Canadian provincial
and
federal governments rely on advanced electronic technologies to
extend the commodity form to the delivery of social services. Most
of the provincial governments have realized major cost savings by
contracting out social service delivery, which were formally
provided internally, to outside organizations. For the most part
service delivery is outsourced on a contract basis to community
non-profit organizations.
Reminiscent of the “administrative discipline
known as information resource management” (Schiller 1988, p. 27)
used in businesses, Canadian provincial
governments
have extended administrative discipline to the organizations that
deliver social services with new public management. New public
management policy’s heavy reliance on advanced technologies ensures
public accountability, social service cost reductions and efficiency
improvements for the delivery of public services. Computer-based
case management monitoring systems process the statistical
information provided by a community organization and links it to
fee-for service funding. The employment based monitoring software
systems measures and evaluates a social service worker’s output.
This electronic supervision includes Taylorisation timed tasks and
performance goals, which reduces the professional discretion of the
social service workers and deskills them at the same time (Rideout,
forthcoming).
The most recent investment by Service Canada is
its $880 million Government Online initiative to provide digital
services to citizens and businesses. This advanced digital network
was designed to improve efficiency and provide access to more
electronic services (*) (Canada 2006, pp. 1-2). Human
Resources and Social Development Canada provides electronic labor
market services and employment insurance services. A web-based
network
of Canadian job postings is available at an online job bank. The
electronic Labour Exchange web site
permits those looking for work to identify their skills, education,
and work experience (Canada 2006; Treasury Board of Canada, 2003).
Public Interest in Communication and the Right to Communicate
Reddick maintains that the Canadian policy changes in communications
is more complex and provides less government regulation in the
public interest. The emergence of market regulation by the private
sector has
created
a public/private interest duality. This means that market
rights
have been extended to public interest. At the same time the public
interest in communications (democratic rights) has narrowed
substantially and in some insistences eroded. Rather than equate
universal access with public interest Reddick builds on Macpherson’s
analysis of the public good as collective rights, which are based on
non-market values and democratic social objectives (Reddick, 2002;
Macpherson, 1978; 1987).
Reddick extends the analysis to government information society
policy arguing that it must produce ethical policies for individuals
and communities. In order to
achieve a better balance in the public interest it requires
strengthening
and
extending democratic rights and social collective obligations as
part of the public interest (2002, p. 32). This is an approach that
would address Garnham’s and Couldry’s concerns about the necessity
of addressing broader socio-economic needs and the simple issue of
access. It would also permit communities and individuals to realize
their full capabilities.
Notes
*
Approximately 133 digital
services are available online, along with traditional delivery
service
channels such as in-person, telephone mail services (Canada 2006,
pp. 74-78).
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About the Author
Dr.
Vanda Rideout is an Associate Professor at the department of
Sociology at the University of New Brunswick, Canada. She holds a
Ph.D. and MA (Carleton University); and a BA Honours (Queen’s
University). Her main research interests include: the impact of
information and communication technologies on community
non-government organizations; the digital divide in Canada
communication public policy. Her research activities are reflected
in the courses she teaches on research design, communications in
society, communication policy, international communications, culture
and media, the information society, political sociology and social
inequality. She is the author of Continentalizing Canadian
telecommunications: The politics of regulatory reform,
McGill-Queen’s University Press. Dr. Rideout’s selected
publications
appear
in the Canadian Journal of Communication, Canadian Journal
of Information and Library Sciences, Canadian Public
Administration, and the Journal of Community Informatics,
She has also written various book chapters such as: ‘No information
age utopia:
Knowledge
workers and clients in the service sector’ (2007); ’Canadians
connected and unplugged: Public access to the Internet and the
digital divide’ (2003); “Multi media policy for Canada and the
United States: Industrial development as public policy” (2001). Dr.
Rideout may be reached at (vrideout@unb.ca).
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