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Article No. 5

Media Coverage of Private Military Contractors
Recruitment Activities in Latin America

Maria Helena Barrera-Agarwal
New York University

mbb319@nyu.edu

Abstract

This article examines examples of media coverage of the recruiting activities of Private Military Companies (PMCs) in Latin America. A total of eight features, published in 2004 and 2005 in three languages and eight countries, are examined. The analysis, essentially empirical, focuses in the semantic choices made in these texts and what such choices. The study of the features seems to reveal a pattern of interpretations closely related to the national concerns of the day, predicated by a variety of national and supranational interests at play in connection with the current Iraq conflict. 

a.         Introduction

From 1994 to 2002, the United States government signed approximately 3,000 contracts with Private Military Contractors (PMCs), for a projected cost of 300 billion dollars (Singer, 2003, p.15). The occupation of Iraq has highlighted the role that PMCs play in modern warfare: Their estimated 25,000 armed employees provide a range of services vital to foreign armies operating in that country (Bergner, 2005, p. 30).

Unlike most regular armed forces, PMCs are not constrained by national origin or nationality in seeking and hiring staff. Being civilian multinational corporations, they are able and willing to recruit people from around the world. Such ability can be quite useful from a profit point of view: The pay for PMCs prospective employees usually varies depending on their national background.

The intense demand for workers caused by the Iraq war has intensified PMCs efforts to hire qualified employees. One of the most sought sources of manpower has been Latin American countries. This paper seeks to address significant ways in which those recruiting efforts have been portrayed in the media, in Latin America itself as well as in the United States and the United Kingdom. The analysis will be essentially empirical and directed to the semantic choices made in selected texts.

b.         Samples

Features from United States and European press on this subject are scarce. From that limited pool, two articles are included. The bulk of the selected material is circumscribed to six features from media outlets in Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, El Salvador, and Peru, published originally in Spanish and Portuguese. These media have been chosen to represent a variety of ideological tendencies. The features are available online and in news databases such as Factiva.

c.         Analysis

c.1.      The Phenomenon as National Soap Opera: Perú 21

The line of the text in Peru 21 is suggested by the title: “Peruvians insist in going to Iraq despite the risks” (Izaguirre, 2005). In the article the issue is presented as one of pure human interest, predicated by proximity. The political elements of the story – the role of the recruiting companies, the invasion of Iraq – are remote background facts. What truly matters is the personal reasons and fate of the recruited, “an important group of Peruvians.”[1] No elaboration exists about the reason of that importance – is it numerical, professional, or even event related?

The main sources cited in the article are the recruits themselves. They appear sometimes as an anonymous choir, others as individuals quoted at length. Their reasons for going to Iraq are depicted as mainly economical: “[T]he business is faltering and the pay is good”[2] and “[H]ow could I not be interested in being paid 1,000 dollars per month?” Their possible fate draws dramatic common places: They are “cannon fodder”[3] drawn into a “suicidal adventure.”[4] A psychoanalyst, Jorge Bruce, is drafted to explain these impulses: “[T]hey prefer to risk their lives in Baghdad than not having any prospect in Peru.”[5]

To assuage fears of mercenarism, which could soil the image of the recruits and their perception as worthy victims, an expert, ambiguously named “internationalist,”[6] is brought. He provides a conclusive sound bite: “They are not combat troops and in consequence, the figure of the mercenary does not proceed.”[7] The pundit in question is Alejandro Deustua a diplomat and politician involved with a number of Peruvian administrations including the present one.

c.2.      The Phenomenon as Recruiting Ad: El Diario de Hoy

In Perú 21, the applicants are referred to as ‘Peruvians’ and ‘postulants’, words somehow emotionally neutral. In El Diario de Hoy, (Vargas & Beltrán, 2004) on the other hand, the applicants to go to Iraq are “the aspiring ones.”[8] The option to be recruited is nothing less than the “Iraqi Temptation,”[9] “[T]he Orient Illusion,” [10] and even “the Iraqi dream.”[11] The use of this last term, reminiscent of the “American dream,” is of a particularly effective eloquence.

The state of mind of the recruits and their families is glowingly portrayed. An anonymous recruit affirms that in a specialized police group there is “much elation”[12] about the issue, and that the group’s hierarchy “does not ignore that enthusiasm.” Another anonymous recruit, working in Basora, is depicted as “satisfied with the work that he develops there and [not having] faced dangerous situations.”[13] Interviewed by the newspaper, the families of recruits already in Iraq affirm that “all of them are well and they are happy to work on their tasks there.”[14]

The recruiting companies are “exigent about skills and background”[15] and their employees are “facilitators.”[16] The money offered for work in Iraq is “a good salary to buy dreams”[17] and constitutes “strong monetary wages.”[18] The fact that El Salvador is the only Latin American nation that sent regular military forces to Iraq cannot be overlooked while considering the use of such upbeat language.

c.3.      The Phenomenon as Treason to the Homeland: La Nación

While in El Diario de Hoy the work in Iraq satisfies and makes recruits happy, in the Chilean La Nación (Jaramillo, 2005) these tasks are, on the contrary, a “hard routine”[19] of “attacking or being attacked.” The “strong monetary wages” are compared with the ones earned by European and United States recruits and found to be just a fraction of those.[20] The recruiters are also portrayed as having “pocketed millions of dollars at the expense of the [the recruits].”[21]

The difference in tone is epitomized by the title of the feature: “Chilean Mercenaries in Iraq: Mambrú goes to the War.”[22] No other medium in the sampling uses the word “mercenaries” in such a frontal way, a term that is also repeatedly used in the text. The allusion to Mambrú, a nursery rhyme popular through Latin America is also telling. Loosely based on the history of the British commander Marlborough, it speaks with a mixture of scorn and mock concern about the fate of a soldier dying in a foreign country.

The underlying reason for the anger in the reporting can be gleaned from certain phrases in the text. They suggest a selling-out, the discarding of one’s homeland to serve a foreign power, the United States: Once in Iraq, the recruits serve as “human shields to Uncle Sam’s soldiers.”[23] Civilians sign up for Iraq because they have “the soul of a Rambo.”[24] They are also “fans of war games”[25] and “ill-adapted in the system.”[26] The military recruits “are willing to renounce [to the army] because of the blazing of dollars.”[27] The climax of the renunciation/treason appears in the words of an anonymous recruit, quoted as saying that, if offered a green card he “would be capable of going to the war for free.”

c.4.      The Phenomenon as Governmental Issue: O Estado de São Paulo

Of all the media analyzed, O Estado de São Paulo draws the most from governmental sources. The chosen title anticipates their importance: “Abin monitors the departure of Brazilians to Iraq” (Marzochi, 2005). Abin is the Brazilian Intelligence Agency. It plays the role that the CIA has in the United States and, arguably, has strong links with it and other agencies in the American government.

Although the report is wholly based on Abin disclosures, including access to Abin’s internal documents,[28] they “do not confirm officially that they are pursuing the case.”[29] The tone of the text is unique in reason of how close it follows the official United States rhetoric about Iraq.  O Estado de São Paulo is the only media that tersely speaks of “Iraq reconstruction,”[30] “extremist Iraqi groups,”[31] and, literally in English, of “Private Military Contractors.”  

The tasks of the recruits in Iraq are given with PMCs public relations precision: “act as guards, organize strategies and maintain the security of employees of multinational companies that work in the country.”[32] An excerpt of a recruit official interview by Abin is included, largely rehearsing the information in the main text.

c.5.      The Phenomenon as Mirror of Local Conflict: Semana

Unlike other media in this analysis, the Colombian feature presents a point of view of a nation involved in a conflict that shares striking resemblances with the Iraq war. In Colombia, as in Iraq, PMCs are active, working under contracts signed with United States government. The intimacy of the situations is suggested in the title, “War: We were trained in the Cavalry School”(“Guerra: Nos entrenaron,” 2005). What particular war is being fought and where are almost fortuitous matters to a Colombian concern.

The article presents substantial background on PMCs, particularly Blackwater. Quotes from Colombian Defense Ministry officials confirm that Blackwater was allowed to employ Colombian military installations for recruiting new employees. The reason given for such use is the proverbial closeness between the United States and Colombian governments: a vice minister affirms that Blackwater is a “company accredited by the United States government.”[33] The link is deepened when the magazine refers to PMCs as “the right arm of the United States,”[34] lacking accountability and spearheading the privatization of armed conflict. References to United Nations agreements against the use of mercenaries are included, signaling a pervasive worry that hits very close home.

Perhaps the peak of the identification comes with a quote in which a Colombian recruit directly draws a parallel to his homeland situation: “In Iraq, the ambiance is not bellicose. It is like Medellín at the time of the cartel war.”[35] 

c.6.      The Phenomenon as International Event:

El Universo, The Guardian, The Christian Science Monitor

The three media in this category share a similar initial approach in their coverage: All deal with the subject as an international one. The first world media focus on the active role of recruiters “US Contractor recruits guards for Iraq,” (Franklyn, 2005) titles The Guardian, while the Christian Science Monitor speaks of “Firms Tap Latin America for Iraq” (Harman, 2005).

The Monitor has a dateline in San Salvador, again an interesting place to be in view of the fact that El Salvador has a military presence in Iraq. The text cites governmental sources, including an adviser to a high ranking official. Another source is the head of the International Peace Operations Association, the lobbying alliance of the military private security industry. A representative of the Washington Office on Latin America [WOLA], an organization characterized as “left-leaning”, is also quoted. The recruits are described as declaring smilingly that “"It's time to go to war […] It's a good opportunity." It is also mentioned that one of the recruits has “toyed with the idea of traveling to the US to find higher paying work.”

The Guardian’s approach initially appears more straightforward: “The US is hiring mercenaries in Chile.” There is also the dateline, Santiago de Chile, that suggest at the very least geographical closeness to sources in that country. Surprisingly, the story had little to do with Chilean sources. The story revolves around the declarations of Gary Jackson, the president of the PMC Blackwater, speaking from North Carolina. He is repeatedly quoted: “We scour the ends of the earth to find professionals,” “I feel comfortable that we have the procedures in place that will allow them to handle the stress,” “this is not the Boy Scouts.” No analysis of the substance of such claims is attempted. The article quotes recruits saying that they are “calm” and they hope to get a “very good income. 

In El Universo, the active role in the recruiting is that of the recruits: “Latin Americans seek employment in Iraq” (“Latinoamericanos tras empleo,” 2005). The sources of the reporting include human rights activists, an ex-United Nations official experienced in mercenary related issues, and WOLA, without prior characterization. El Universo gives an overview of the phenomenon, draws information from the article in Semana, and interviews a Colombian recruit that got involved via an ad posted by a recruiting company in a newspaper published in Manta, Ecuador. In general El Universo provides a balanced account of the matter. The difference with The Guardian and The Monitor perhaps is related to the fact that Ecuador is not yet a recruitee or recruiting country.

d.         Conclusion

Chomsky and Herman (1988) have pointed out how difficult it is to see “a propaganda system at work where the media are private and formal censorship is absent” (p.1). Many examples in the present work offer a particularly striking example of such a notion. They can be seen as mere depicting, unconstrained and free, a phenomenon of international interest. However, a close analysis reveals, in a large majority, a pattern of interpretations closely related to the national concerns of the day, predicated by a variety of national and supranational interests at play in connection with the current Iraq conflict.

References

General

Bergner, D. (2005, August 14). The other army. New York Times Magazine.

Chomsky, N., Herman, E. S., (1988). Manufacturing consent. The political economy of the mass media. Pantheon Books.

Singer, P.W. (2003). Corporate Warriors, The rise of the privatized military industry. Cornell University Press.

Features

Franklyn, J. (2005, March 4). US contractor recruits guards for Iraq in Chile. The Guardian.    Retrieved on February 2, 2006 from   http://www.guardian.co.uk/international/story/0,3604,1162392,00.html

Guerra: Nos entrenaron en la Escuela de Caballería. (2005, August). Semana. Retrieved February 1, 2006 from http://semana2.terra.com.co/opencms/opencms/Semana/articulo.html?id=89184 

Harman, D. (2005, March 3). Firms tap Latin Americans for Iraq. The Christian Science Monitor. Retrieved February 1, 2006 from  http://www.csmonitor.com/2005/0303/p06s02-woam.html 

Izaguirre G., A., (2005, October 26). Peruanos insisten en ir a Irak a pesar de los peligros. Perú 21. Retrieved February 1, 2006, from http://www.peru21.com/P21Impreso/Html/2005-10-26/Ciudad0392519.html

Jaramillo, B. (2005, May 8). Mercenarios chilenos en Irak, Mambrú se fue a la guerra. La Nación. Retrieved February 1, 2006 from http://www.lanacion.cl/prontus_noticias/site/artic/20050507/pags/20050507174139.html

Latinoamericanos tras empleo en Irak. (2005, August 21). El Universo. Retrieved February 1, 2006 from http://200.105.240.202/core/eluniverso.asp?fecha=08/21/2005&edicion=1&page=noticia&id=986&tab=1&contid=5A230D7B265A4BE485AE366173E4B50D

Marzochi, R., (2005, February 8).  Abin monitora ida de brasileiros ao Iraque. O Estado de São Paulo. Retrieved February 2, 2006 from O Estado de São Paulo Archives   www.estadao.com.br

Vargas, H.& Beltrán, J. (2004, October 7). La tentación iraquí. El Diario de Hoy. Retrieved February 1, 2006 from  http://www.elsalvador.com/noticias/2004/10/07/nacional/nac16.asp

Endnotes

[1] “un importante grupo”

[2] “el negocio no da y la paga es buena”

[3] “carne de cañón”

[4] “aventura suicida”

[5] “les  sigue pareciendo preferible arriesgarse en Bagdad que no tener ninguna perspectiva en el Perú”

[6] “internacionalista”

[7] “No son tropas de combate y, en consecuencia, la figura del mercenario no procede.”

[8] “los aspirantes”

[9] “La Tentación Iraquí”

[10] “la ilusión de oriente”

[11] “el sueño iraquí”

[12] “mucha exaltación”

[13] “se encuentra satisfecho por el trabajo que desempeña allá y que no ha pasado situaciones de peligro”

[14] “todos ellos se encuentran bien y están felices de cumplir sus tareas allí”

[15] “exigente en cuanto a los requisitos y la formación”

[16] “facilitadores”

[17] “una buena paga para comprar sueños”

[18] “fuertes pagas de dinero”

[19] “dura rutina”

[20] Chilean wages cited: 3,000 dollars, European wage cited: 10,000 dollars, United States wages cited, 18,000.

[21] “[el reclutador] debe haberse embolsado millones de dólares a nuestra costa”

[22] “Mercenarios Chilenos en Irak: Mambrú se fue a la guerra”

[23] “escudo humano a los soldados del Tío Sam”

[24]  “alma de Rambo”

[25]  “aficionados a los juegos de guerra”

[26] “desubicados en el sistema”

[27] “dispuestos a darse de baja ante el destello de los dólares”

[28] “accesso a parte dos documentos apurados pela Abin”

[29] “o orgão não confirma oficialmente que acompanha o caso.”

[30] “reconstrução do Iraque”

[31] “grupos extremistas iraquianos”

[32] “fazer escolta, traçar estrategias e manter a segurança de funcionarios de empresas multinacionais que estão trabalhando no pais.”

[33] “una compañía avalada por el gobierno de Estados Unidos”

[34] “El brazo derecho de los Estados Unidos”

[35] “En Irak el ambiente no es bélico. Se parece mas bien a Medellín en las épocas de la guerra del cartel.”

 About the Author

Maria Helena Barrera-Agarwal is a Masters Candidate at the MS Program in Global Studies, NYU School of Continuing and Professional Studies, New York. She is also a frequent contributor of Chasqui, the quarterly journal published by the International Centre for Higher Studies in Communication for Latin America (CIESPAL).