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Article No. 1
New Trends in
Global Broadcasting:
"Nuestro Norte es el Sur" (Our North is the South)
Orayb Najjar
Northern Illinois
University
Abstract
Using Pierre Bourdieu’s
Field Theory, especially the concept of the interconvertability of
cultural, economic, political and media capital, I examine the rise
of regional and global centers of broadcasting that seek to compete
with the CNN and the BBC, namely, TeleSUR of Latin America, Al-Jazeera
Arabic, and Al-Jazeera International (AI) of Qatar (launched
worldwide on November 15, 2006). I also describe the Latin American
and Arab questioning of the inevitability of following "the
Anglo-Saxon" model of "commercialization, depolitization and
trivialization of news."
I examine the
countermeasures the U.S., British and French governments are taking
to fend off this regional and global competition from Latin American
and Arab media.1
I conclude that diversity
and the expansion of the news pie is a healthy phenomenon that is
bound to help serious news gathering and reporting worldwide against
the rising trend of infotainment that has started to taint serious
news dissemination in the United States.
"Television is a window on the world. But if you
are sitting in Latin America, that window is more likely to be
facing Baghdad than Buenes Aires. Or show Michael Jackson
instead of Mexico City. Or offer a clearer view of Ukraine’s
Orange Revolution than the one in Ecuador last month. Those
networks do not cover regional news, like CNN Espanol, based in
Atlanta, or Spain’s TVE, are often considered US or Eurocentric,
with pundits sitting in Washington or Madrid. (Harman, 2005,
p. 1).
"We launch Telesur with a clear goal to break
this communication regime and present a vision, a voice which
until now has been silenced. Telesur is an initiative against
cultural imperialism." Andres Izarra, TeleSur president and
Venzuela’s minister of communications (Latin America TV
takes on US Media, 2005, p. 1).

"Al-Jazeera International is 'the most exciting
television news and current affairs project in decades -- one
which will revolutionise the global news industry by offering
viewers across the world a fresh perspective on news."
(Nigel Parsons, managing director of Al-Jazeera International)
(A correspondent, 2005, p. 1).

Introduction
Bourdieu (1998: 41)
suggests that for a journalistic field analysis to be complete, "the
position of the national media field within the global media field
would have to be taken into account." The dissatisfaction with
Western news sources has a long history and dates back at least to
the era of primacy of Western news agencies on the world news scene.
NWICO discussions at UNESCO in the 1970s and 1980s provided "Third
World" countries with a forum in which they complained about the
unequal flow of information that moved mostly from North to South
and from West to East. The impetus for the creation of alternatives
to Western media, then, as now, was fueled by dissatisfaction with
media’s content, its narrow focus, its lack of source diversity and
the absence of serious attention to the news of the rest of the
world.
Decades later, the
problems became worse. In the United States of the mid-1990s,
television networks gave much less attention to serious foreign news
than during the Cold War years. CBS maintained 24 foreign bureaus in
its heyday; by 1995, it had reporters in only four capitals (Hess,
1996, 66). In the 1970s, the networks in the US ran as much as 45%
foreign news. By 1995, the proportion was in the teens (Bierbauer,
2006).
American newscasts also
tend to be ethnocentric in their selection of news sources. Only 14
of the 401 guests who appeared in "Meet the Press" (NBC), "Face the
Nation" (CBS) and "This Week with David Brinkley" (ABC) in 1994 were
foreigners (Griffith, 1986, p. 72 in Hess, 1996, p. 7). During the
first four months of 1995, foreign stories added up to 10 percent of
the news segments, ranging from 3 percent on NBC’s "Today" to 16
percent on ABC’s "Good Morning America" (Stephen Hess, Telephone
Interview with Tyndal on July 11, 1995). McGuiness examined 139
transcripts of three news talk shows, November 27, 2005-November 5,
2006, to see if sourcing practices had changed. She found that only
four foreign experts were consulted in 47 programs of "This Week
with George Stephanopoulos" even though 77 percent of the programs
under study had a foreign angle. Although 122 guests by the
Stephanopoulos show, only four of them were foreign. In "Face the
Nation," although 28 out of the 41 transcripts examined had a
foreign angle, only two foreign experts were included in the
programs. In "Meet the press," even though 35 out of 51 shows had a
foreign angle, only four foreign experts were consulted (McGinnis,
2007).
The Monroe Doctrine of
1823 declared Latin America as a U.S. sphere of influence and was
recognized as such internationally. So it is not surprising that the
U.S. established a media presence there. The three United States
networks, NBC, CBS, ABC, sought to establish their broadcast
dominance in Latin America through the development of the media and
the purchase of shares in TV stations. ABC international, formed in
1959, invested in five Central American stations in what it called,
"Central American TV Network," (CATVN) (Wells, 1972, p. 104;
Frappier, 1969, p. 4)
By 1968, Worldvision of
ABC operated in sixteen Latin American countries and broadcast to an
audience of more than 20 million households (Frappier, 1969, p. 3).
NBC-TV has provided
technical and financial assistance to televisions in Argentina,
Mexico, and Venezuela and provided programs dubbed into Spanish in
Mexico City (Skorinia, 1965, p. 187; Wells, 1972, 103). CBS had
various partnership arrangements in television centers in Argentina
(Skornia,1965, 187) and interests in production companies in Peru,
Argentina-and Venezuela (Frappier,1969, p. 10).
The Latin American markets
are owned by Global corporations that have also entered many markets
in Latin America, partnering with local conglomerates. Two Spanish
corporations, Telefónica and Grupo Prisa, have acquired media
outlets in several countries. Grupo Prisa has purchased most of the
shares of Caracol Radio in Colombia, and Telefónica owns television
and radio stations throughout the region (Ketupa.net, 2005).
Major Latin American media
groups have "gone global" (whether through alliances or through
direct investment) because the most lucrative markets for their
products lie outside the region. The global Spanish-speaking market,
for example, is as large as 330 million consumers - of which 24
million are located in the US and 39 million in the EU (principally
in Spain). Revenue from the US and Spain dwarfs those of domestic
markets: peak audience figures are found within Latin America but
the big money comes from sales to overseas (Ketupa.net, 2005). Thus,
the content of those global corporations is not entirely local, and
the problems U.S. networks and cable channels are experiencing in
providing meaningful content have been globalized.
"The State of the News
Media 2006: An Annual report on American Journalism Project for
Excellence in Journalism" funded by the Pew Charitable Trusts, noted
that time slot rather than network type seems to define news
judgment in the three networks. The report found that morning news
programs build stories around emotion, and even tell viewers how to
feel about a story by using emotive language ("shocking … horrific
…brutal"). On the day news was examined, May 11, the commercial
evening newscasts were so strikingly similar to each other that the
first 12 minutes of news time on the three programs covered the same
stories.
The report found that
morning news are interview-based programs, with a "softer" news
agenda that provided a more limited range of sources and viewpoints
than many other media. Evening news went more deeply into issues and
contained more news sources than morning news or cable.
The report also noted that
opinion was more restrained in evening news. On May 11, 32% of
commercial evening news stories contained reporters’ opinions. Less
than morning news (48%) or cable (45%), but still substantial. Cable
did not get a break from the researchers. The report added that
while some cable companies like Fox were gaining audiences over
network TV, their content lacks professional standards:
For the third straight year, our content
analysis of cable suggests that it is thinly reported, suffers
from a focus on the immediate, especially during the day, is
prone to opinion mongering and is easily controlled by sources
who want to filibuster (The State, 2006).
And since most Latin
Americans get a large share of their news from the United States,
they, too, get exposed to that type of news. As a result,
international news from the Latin American perspective is almost
nonexistent, critics say. But, says journalist Aram Aharonian, one
of TeleSur’s founders, ‘not for long’" (Harman, 2005, p. 1).
More than 40 private television stations and 128 cable channels are
operating in Venezuela, of those, only two are public
broadcasting channels (Giordano, 2005, p. 15). TeleSUR wants to
change that.
Purpose of the Study
This study aims to
understand the significance and implications of the lack of trust in
formerly dominant Western media corporations broadcasting to Latin
America and the Middle East, and describe the rise of new types of
regional media like TeleSUR of Latin America and Al-Jazeera Arabic
and Al-Jazeera International (AI) of Qatar.
After laying out the
conceptual framework by using the concept of "field" as developed by
Pierre Bourdieu and utilized by others, I describe the latest
developments in regional and global broadcasting by applying the
relational concept among fields to examine how the fields of
economics, politics and media interact, and by describing how the
concept of the interconvertibility of fields affects the media. I
then analyze the implications of these complex relationships by
examining the competition between "old media" (i.e., CNN, the BBC
and European and American media) and "new media" (i.e., TeleSUR of
Latin America and Al-Jazeera International) from a professional
perspective suggested by field theory. I end by describing what the
"old media" are doing to compete with the "new media," and then
discuss what that ferment means for global broadcasting.
After the privatization of
the largest French television channel in 1986, Benson & Neveu (2005)
noted that the French experienced side effects long
taken-for-granted by "anglo-saxons" – "sensationalized,
depoliticized and trivialized news." The change led to French
sociologist Pierre Bourdieu’s impassioned public intervention in a
book called On Television, which "served as a wake-up call
for many around the world that there was nothing ‘natural’ about an
advertising saturated, audience-ratings-driven media culture"
(Benson & Neveu, 2005, p. 3). Many practitioners in media
systems under study in Latin America and the Arab world agree with
that assessment and see the new media they are introducing as an
alternative to that model. "For me," says Blanca Eekhout, adviser on
the establishment of TeleSur, "it’s indispensable for communities to
have in their hands channels of communication which are their own.
And what’s more, this had to have an international aspect"
(Venezuela sets up ‘CNN rival’, 2005, p. 4).
Conceptual Framework
A field may be viewed as a
microcosm that brings together the agents and institutions engaged
in the production of whatever that particular field produces; e.g.
literary works in the literary field, or articles in the
journalistic field. Members of a field both constitute it, but also
are constituted by it. They represent the field to themselves as
well as to others. Professionals who share a field are constrained
by the forces inscribed in it, but are also able to act, "in ways
that are partially preconstrained, but with a margin of freedom" (Bourdieu,
2005 p.30 in). The essence of field theory in the social sciences is
the explanation of regularities in individual action by using the
position of an agent within a given field vis-à-vis other fields
(for example, the position of the journalistic field in relation to
the political field) (Martin, 2003). "In analytic terms, a field may
be defined as a network, or a configuration, of objective relations
between positions" (Bourdieu and Wacquant, 1992, pp. 96-97). The
journalistic field is important because it is seen as part of the
field of power; that is, it tends to engage with powerful agents who
possess high volumes of what Bourdieu calls "economic and cultural
capital," both of which are important forms of power (Bourdieu,
2005, p. 33). By economic capital, Bourdieu means money
or assets that can be turned into money. Cultural capital includes
educational credentials, technical expertise, general knowledge,
verbal abilities, and artistic sensibilities. The social world is
structured around the opposition between these two forms of power,
with economic capital, on the whole, being more powerful (Bourdieu,
2005, p. 55). Inside the journalistic field, economic capital is
expressed via circulation, or advertising revenues, or audience
ratings, whereas the "specific" cultural capital of the field takes
the form of intelligent commentary, in-depth reporting, -- the kind
of journalistic practices rewarded each year by Pulitzer Prizes.
Each field is thus structured around the opposition between the pole
representing forces external to the field (primarily economic, e.g.
advertising) and the "autonomous" pole representing the specific
capital unique to that field (e.g., artistic or scientific skills).
Fields are arenas of struggle in which individuals and organizations
compete to valorize those forms of capital which they possess
(Benson and Neveu, 2005, 4). Perhaps the most important quality of
fields for this paper is the interconvertability of capitals. Since
the structure of fields is characterized by the dynamic relationship
between symbolic and economic assets, at any given moment some
fields move closer to the economic end of the pole than others;
i.e., the knowledge they produce is simply more convertible into
material or political power than the products of other fields
(Lenoir, 1997; Graham, 1998).
Field theory positions
itself precisely between political economy and cultural approaches
that link news production directly to the interests of broad social
classes or the national society, and organizational approaches that
focus too narrowly on particular news producers. "Field research
thus calls for the examination of ‘institutional logics’: the
simultaneous analysis of social structures and cultural forms, as
well as the complex interplay between the two" (Benson and Neveu,
2005, p.12). Benson and Neveu suggest that in field
theory, journalistic fields do not always reinforce the power
status quo, but under certain conditions may actually transform
power relations in other fields (2005, p. 9). "To think in terms of
field is to think relationally" (Benson & Neveu, 2005, p. 3). The
relational approach of field theory is important for this analysis
because it helps us "locate, situate, and explain the very real
differences among media outlets according to their possession of
different types and quantities of capital" (Benson and Neveu, 2005,
p.19).
Field theory is especially
useful for studying international journalistic organizations
comparatively because it provides a means of incorporating history
into media analysis. Field theory provides perhaps the best defense
against "media-centrism," helping situate journalism in its larger
systemic environment, rather than restricting the study to its
organizational features, such as funding, ownership, demographics of
journalists and audiences. Against the fruitless question of whether
the press is or is not "independent," research could help pinpoint
the journalistic field’s relative position vis-à-vis the range of
other societal fields that compete to shape our vision of the social
world (Benson and Neveu, 2005, p.19; Benson, 204, p. 276). Finally,
Bourdieu’s theory takes power dynamics seriously, both within and
among fields. As a result, field analysis places greater emphasis on
competition and distinctions among journalists, and thus pays
greater attention to such social phenomena as competition over
scoops, struggles over access to sources, changes in the relative
prestige of news organizations, in short, to the "relational"
construction of journalistic identity (Benson and Neveu, 2005,
p.18).
Research Questions
Taking its cue from Hallin
and Mancini, both of whom have used the concept of "field" in their
research, this study avoids measuring media systems against
normative ideas (as in the Four theories of the Press), but
analyzes "their historical development as institutions within
particular social settings … to understand why they developed in the
particular ways that they did; what roles they actually play in
political, social, and economic life; and what patterns of
relationships they have with other social institutions" (Hallin and
Mancini, 2004, p. 14). Translating those insights into research
questions leads to the following:
Research Question I:
How did TeleSur develop as an institution and what was the effect of
the social setting in which it developed on its developmental
trajectory?
Research Question 2:
How do journalistic organizations like TeleSur and Al-Jazeera
International exert influence on one another and on other
journalists in ways that supplement or contradict constraints
emerging within the single newsroom? In what ways do these two
organizations resist or reshape outside economic and political
pressures and national cultural idioms?
Research Question 3:
What is the Latin American and Arab journalistic field’s relative
position vis-à-vis the range of other societal fields that compete
to shape the vision of the social world?
Research Question 4:
How does Al-Jazeera International plan to compete in the regional
and global arenas? What patterns of relationships has it developed
with other journalistic institutions?
The first research question inquired how TeleSUR
developed as an institution and wondered how its social setting
affected its developmental trajectory.
Media ownership patterns
in Latin America had a great bearing on the way TeleSur developed.
In Mexico and Brazil, media conglomerates such as Televisa and Globo,
respectively, have consolidated their control, particularly in
broadcasting, although they also own companies in print, music, and
radio. Grupo Clarín in Argentina, Organización Carlos Ardila Lule
and Grupo Empresarial Bavaria in Colombia, and Grupo Cisneros in
Venezuela clearly dominate the media markets in their countries.
Elsewhere in Latin America, media outlets are typically controlled
by a handful of family-owned companies that are frequently tied to
political parties or corporations (Lauria, 2003). The aim of TeleSur
was to break free of that monopoly.
Televisora del Sur,
Spanish for "Television Station of the South", named TeleSUR, is a
pan-Latin American television network based in Caracas, Venezuela.
It began broadcasting on a limited schedule on July 24, 2005 and
began full-time broadcasts on October 31, 2005 (Telesur en canal,
2005).
TeleSUR was intended to be
a counterweight to popular privately-run networks in South America
like CNN en
Español and
Univisión, and BBC
World. The key to TeleSUR's success is not going head-to-head
against the giants of broadcasting but providing an alternative to
what Aram Aharonian calls, "the hegemonic communications industry
that has one way of thinking and one message" (Marx, 2005).
What all fields like
politics, sociology and journalism have in common, says Bourdieu, is
that "they all lay claim to the imposition of the legitimate vision
of the social world" even when they do not admit that all categories
are socially constituted and socially acquired (Bourdieu, 2005, 36).
What the media do is crucial to politics, says Bourdieu, because
"Politics is a struggle to impose the legitimate principle of vision
and division, in other words the one that is dominant and recognized
as deserving to dominate, that is to say, charged with symbolic
violence" (Bourdieu, 2005, 39).
Aram Aharonian, main
director of the station, wants TeleSUR to defy "the dominant
hegemonic media culture through its motto ‘Our North is the South,’
a play on the UNESCO debates of the 1970s (Victoria, 2005). The
station can be seen in at least 15 countries through at least 53
cable services, as well as five free stations. TeleSUR runs public
service announcements and musical interludes instead of commercials.
The news channel has 160 employees and correspondents in Argentina,
Brazil, Bolivia, Colombia, Cuba, Haiti, Mexico, Uruguay and the
United States (TeleSUR Concepto, 2005). TeleSUR’s area of coverage
extends from Tierra del Fuego to Canada, reaching 370 million
Hispano-Americans, 180 million Brazilians, over 50 million Latinos
in Chicago (Dos Reis, 2005). But whether those people will watch
remains to be seen.
Telesur went on air July
24, 2005. With Venezuela as a majority shareholder, it is financed
jointly by the governments of Argentina, Uruguay and Cuba, with some
support from Brazil (Brazil TV International) (Dos Reis, 2005). The
driving force behind the station has been President Hugo Chavez,
whose government has contributed 70% of Telesur's $10m (£5.7m)
financing and owns 51% of the channel (Green Left Weekly, 2006). The
station is trying to develop talent from all over Latin America.
Sixty staff members have been recruited from different countries.
All the shows will be produced by Latin Americans, except some
contemporary independent films dubbed Nojolivud (No Hollywood)
(Daniels, 2005).
The relational approach of
field theory is important for this analysis because it helps us
"locate, situate, and explain the very real differences among media
outlets according to their possession of different types and
quantities of capital" (Benson and Neveu, 2005, p.19). Here, the
difference between TeleSUR and Al-Jazeera is clear, and may be
explained by each station’s possession of different types of
capital. While Al-Jazeera possesses enormous political and cultural
capital because it is seen as very critical of Arab leaders, some
find that the perception of TeleSur as being too close to the
government of President Hugo Chavez, rightly or wrongly, will hamper
its ability to attract viewers in a region traditionally distrustful
of state-run institutions (Sreeharsha, 2005, p. 1). The fact that
Chavez has enacted new media laws that limit speech by commercial
companies also did not endear him to his critics or to some human
rights activists.
The second research
question sought to determine how journalistic organizations
like TeleSur and Al-Jazeera International exert influence on one
another and on other journalists in ways that supplement or
contradict constraints emerging within the single newsroom. Of
interest was the ways in which the two organizations resist or
reshape outside economic and political pressures and national
cultural idioms.
The success of Al-Jazeera
in loosening the monopoly of the West on international news
dissemination has been watched with rapt attention in Latin America
and elsewhere.
From the beginning,
TeleSur was compared to Al-Jazeera. A journalist writing for the
Christian Science Monitor titled a section of his/her article,
"Latin America’s Al Jazeera?" (Harman, 2005, p. 2). Another writing
for the BBC wrote that "Some have already dubbed it
Al-Bolivar – a combination of the Arabic news channel, Al-Jazeera,
and President Hugo Chavez’s favourite [sic] independent hero"
(Bruce, 2005, p. 1).
The founders of TeleSUR
appear to understand the interconvertablilty of fields; the fact
that economic assets can be translated into political assets, as
Bourdieu has observed. TeleSUR helped reshape economic pressures by
recognizing that one powerful well-funded station is much more
effective than many alternative stations. Aram Aharonian, general
director of the channel, is aware that funding is "an important
political act. Instead of having 500 or 900 small alternative media
outlets, there will be one grand conglomerate. With capital. …
Telesur will follow the same premises that for decades took refuge
in small alternative and community media. But now we have left our
marginal niche and are heading towards mass communications" (Jordana,
2005, p. 3). Not everyone in Latin America thinks this is a good
idea. Alberto Ravell of Globovision says that the station will
transmit a view of Latin America, but "you’re going to have the view
these governments want you to have, not an impartial view," a
leftist view because all the people working at TeleSur are leftist
(Bruce, 2005, p. 4). Connie Mack, a member of the House
International Relations Committee and an outspoken Chavez critic was
alarmed when the Al-Jazeera signed an agreement with the Latin
American news channel TeleSUR for "cooperation in training and the
exchange of footage and logistics" (Al-Jazeera Network on Air,
2005). Mack stated that:
When Hugo Chavez
launched Telesur last year to spread his anti-freedom rhetoric
throughout Latin America I raised numerous concerns that he was
creating a TV network patterned after Al-Jazeera. Today, Hugo
Chavez has gone even further.
… Now he’s in cahoots with the
original terrorist TV (Mack, 2006).
Al-Jazeera
Arabic continues to resist international and especially U.S. efforts
to silence it, local pan-Arab pressures to censor it, and efforts to
starve it of advertising funds. It does so, by following
professional norms of journalism other journalists (if not their
governments) recognize. 2
Al-Jazeera Arabic tries to resist financial
pressures by attempting to lure advertisers to the Sports Channel
and children’s channels with no political content because
advertisers shy away from what they consider controversial programs
despite Al-Jazeera’s superb demographics (Khanfar, 2004, p. 3).
TeleSUR resists political
and economic pressures and denies accusations that it is supported
by the state. TeleSUR is attempting to get outside sources of
funding, not for ads, but for spots from sponsors like those run on
PBS (Jordana, 2005, p. 4). Furthermore, Chavez’s supporters claim
that the bad blood between Chavez and mainstream media came about
when Chavez forced TV stations to pay taxes just like other
businesses. Not only did Chavez tax those businesses which had
allowed previous rulers of Venezuela to place censors in their
offices in return for being tax free, but Chavez himself, a
consummate communicator, became the media by hosting a weekly show
called "Allo Presedente!" Chavez’s admirers are quick to point out
that the show, unlike George Bush’s weekly radio address, is not a
monologue. Chavez, they say, brings several secretaries to hear and
jot down the details of people’s problems and returns a week later
to announce how those problems had been solved (Al Giordano, 2005,
p. 9).
Al-Jazeera’s success has
spawned a number of imitators in the form of pan-Arab satellite
channels that have introduced a similar type of news reporting,
leading Al-Jazeera to want to reinvent itself to separate itself
from the rest (Khanfar, 2004, p. 1). The station has expressed a
renewed commitment to reporting, and a move away from depending
solely on the talk shows that made it famous (Schleifer, 2004, p.
3).
The May 2006 week-long
reporting from China was so successful that Al-Jazeera is going to
India in recognition of the importance of that populous country.
Al-Jazeera has signed a cooperation agreement with China
Central Television (CCTV). The partnership covers three areas: news
and image exchanges, non-news program exchanges, and cross-company
staff training. Al-Jazeera will also sign cooperation agreements
with Xinhua News Agency and China International Radio in the near
future. Al-Jazeera’s Beijing office will be expanded in a few weeks
and a Chinese channel will be launched on Al-Jazeera's website (Wan,
2006).
But its most ambitious
move was establishing an English-language station that competes with
the Western media in English-speaking countries. Waddah Khanfar
hopes that advertisers will patronize it "because this niche is
beyond regional politics and their unfortunate effects" (Khanfar,
2004, p. 3).
The third research
question in this paper sought to discover the Latin American and
Arab journalistic fields’ relative position vis-à-vis the range of
other societal fields that compete to shape their vision of the
social world.
Field theory suggests that
members of a field both constitute it, but also are constituted by
it. TeleSUR, even while introducing a revolutionary project, could
not move away from the tenets of global journalism and from the
negative perception of media owned by government. Because the idea
for Telesur was initially proposed by Cuba’s President Castro (Jordana,
2005, p. 6), and because the station’s critics were already calling
it "Telechavez" even before it went on air, the station had to work
to "unbrand" itself by moving away from a political field funded by
the president of Venezuela, to an independent field similar to Al-Jazeera;
i.e. funded by the ruler but whose board of directors is
independent.
Real power inside TeleSUR
will rest on a seven-member board of directors led by [then]
Venezuela's communications minister, Andres Izarra (Green Left
Weekly, 2006). Telesur president Andres Izarra stepped down as
information minister when one of the well-known board members,
English novelist and filmmaker Tarik Ali, said publicly that for the
station to be truly effective it would need to be entirely
independent. Izarra, who had previously worked for NBC's defunct
Canal de Noticias NBC,
CNN and
Radio Caracas Television,
a private Venezuelan network, knew that he needed to step down.
TeleSUR's advisory council tells volumes about its ideological
orientation. It includes Latin American as well as international
intellectuals who have spoken about Western hegemony and called
different ways of organizing society.3
None of them is likely to accept intervention by any government
because they understand that legitimacy of the journalistic field
demands that kind of separation. TeleSUR's current president,
Andrés Izarra,
agreed that once the station is on air, it needs to distance itself
from the Venezuelan government "in order to guarantee that it
complies with its aims and ethical standards" (Telesur keen on
Aljazeera link up, 2005, p. 2). The founders of the station asserted
their independence from the Venezuelan state administratively
without distancing themselves from the station’s revolutionary
purpose. Aram Aharonian is open about TeleSUR’s being "a strategic
project that was born out of the need to give voice to Latin
Americans confronted by an accumulation of thoughts and images
transmitted by commercial media and out of the urgency to see
ourselves through our own eyes and to discover our own solutions to
our problems. If we do not start there, the dream of Latin American
integration will be no more than a salute to the flag" (Jordana,
2005, p. 2).
Members of a field also
represent the field to themselves as well as to others. To
themselves, they presented what they have accomplished as "Media
from Below" fighting "media from above." TeleSur’s supporters also
claimed that commercial media and the U.S. government saw
Venezuela’s access to its own pan-Latin American media as "something
akin to Venezuela developing the atomic bomb" (Giordano, 2005, p.
1). As noted above, professionals who share a field are constrained
by the forces inscribed in it, thus the need to establish the
independence of the station. Independence would free TeleSUR to act
in creative ways, or, as field theory would put it, "in ways that
are partially preconstrained, but with a margin of freedom" (Bourdieu,
2005 p.30 in). The station has asserted its production independence
from big conglomerates that own media in Latin America and created a
new model that favors local talent; one they have dubbed, "No
Hollywood."
Fields are arenas of
struggle in which individuals and organizations compete to valorize
those forms of capital which they possess (Benson and Neveu, 2005,
4). The journalistic field is important because it is seen as part
of the field of power; that is, it tends to engage with powerful
agents who possess high volumes of what Bourdieu calls "economic and
cultural capital," both of which are important forms of power (Bourdieu,
2005, p. 33).
By tapping into the Arab
public need for pan-Arabism and the need to speak truth to power
(not available before the age of satellites), Al-Jazeera has
succeeded in increasing the capital it possesses by amassing both
political capital "the power of consecration" and cultural and
symbolic capitals. Its experts, drawn from 22 Arab countries and all
over the world, present a formidable challenge to Arab rulers. Arab
experts comment on the foibles of their rulers and invite viewers to
do the same via live phone calls and written commentary on different
programs. And while almost every single Arab country had banned Al-Jazeera
at one time or another, and while some (like Saudi Arabia) refuse to
let it establish bureaus in the country, the station remains the
most watched and respected Arab station, with about 50 million
viewers. Yet, Al-Jazeera has failed to convert its important
cultural capital into economic capital because of the boycott
imposed against the station by Saudi Arabia and Kuwait; nations who
control the Arab advertising markets, and by American corporations.
Benson and Neveu suggest
that in field theory, journalistic fields do not always
reinforce the power status quo, but under certain conditions may
actually transform power relations in other fields (2005, p. 9). In
the case of Al-Jazeera Arabic, the station has succeeded in changing
power relations by privileging the media over Arab rulers, and by
making itself indispensable for Arab political deliberations.
Telesur staffers agree that some things are non-negotiable: nothing
against regional integration or the struggle against neo-liberal
globalization." (Jordana, 2005, p. 4). Enrique Botero, a Columbian
television producer, referred to an old US comic, Lucky Luke, a
cowboy who sells protection to a journalist who heads a small paper
whose motto is, "independence always, neutrality never" (Jordana,
2005, p. 5).
The fourth research
question attempted to determine how Al-Jazeera International plans
to compete in the regional and global arenas. Specifically, it
sought to determine the patterns of relationships it has developed
with other journalistic institutions.
Building on the success of Arabic-language Al-Jazeera, the station
decided to go global by hiring the strongest international staff it
could find. Field theory suggests that Al-Jazeera did so by amassing
symbolic capital by using the most exacting professional standards
to hire its international staff out of the 4,000 applications it had
received. Waddah Khanfar, managing director of Al-Jazeera, told a
gathering at the 2nd Al Jazeera Forum held in Qatar in
2006 that diversity was going to be the channel's motto. An
examination of the table below suggests that the station had
achieved that goal. The staff hired in 2005 has British, Canadian,
Australian, Indian, South African and American journalists,
including a former American Marine (Al-Jazeera International, 2006).
Examples of Al-Jazeera Hires
|
Name of Staffer |
Former Position held |
New Position in JI |
|
Trish Carter
. |
Trish Carter's career includes high level
positions as Head of Current Affairs, Head of News and Deputy
Head of News and Current Affairs at Television New Zealand,
Media Centre Manager at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs & Trade,
and Executive Editor and Programme Director at Newstalk ZB. |
Bureau chief of Kuala Lumpur News Broadcast
Centre
Responsible for over-seeing the production of
news and current affairs for Al Jazeera International in
Australasia, |
|
Sue Phillips |
Sue Phillips is an experienced broadcast
professional. Her career includes senior roles as London Bureau
Chief for the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC), Managing
Director of News World International, and Senior Radio Producer
and Senior Television Producer at CBC. |
Bureau chief of London News Broadcast Centre
Responsible for over-seeing the production of
news and current affairs for Al Jazeera International in
Europe & Africa |
|
Will Stebbins |
Will Stebbins joins the channel from Associated
Press Television News (APTN) where he was Regional Editor,
overseeing the management of all of APTN's Latin American news.
Stebbins is multi-lingual and brings to the station a wealth of
broadcast experience from his previous roles as Regional
Executive, APTN, Miami, Senior Producer, APTN, Havana, and
Bureau Chief, Worldwide Television News, Cairo. |
Bureau chief of Washington D.C. News Broadcast
Centre
Responsible for over-seeing the production of
news and current affairs for Al Jazeera International in
North & South America |
|
Anmol Saxena |
Anmol Saxena, in New Delhi joins Al Jazeera
International from APTN India, |
Bureau Chief for India, |
|
Andrew Simmons |
Andrew Simmons |
Bureau Chief for Nairobi. |
| |
Josh Rushing, a former U.S. Marine Captain who
served in the United States Central Command media office during
the invasion of Iraq, has joined the 24-hour English-language
network, Al Jazeera International. |
Josh will be based in Washington D.C. and his
actual role with the channel will be confirmed closer to launch. |
|
Jane Dutton |
Jane Dutton South African-born Jane Dutton has
most recently worked as presenter/ reporter for CNBC Europe/US
on a special series of 30-minute programs, The Business of
Development, and as a freelance presenter for BBC World.
Prior to that Jane worked for CNN as presenter for their Morning
International TV News, anchoring the network's four half-hour
morning shows.
She also presented CNN's travel show HotSpots from a different
country every week with an estimated 250-million viewers reached
per show.
Her previous experience includes working as an evening TV news
presenter for e.tv in Cape Town, including working as an anchor,
news editor and executive producer. |
Stationed at the headquarters, Doha, she will be
responsible for the majority of the channel's daily news output
with the rest of the transmission being split between the other
centers. |
|
Riz Khan |
Riz Khan hosts "Q&A with Riz Khan" and "Q&A Asia
with Riz Khan" on CNN International, as well as anchoring news
shows and news events for the network. The Q&A shows are the
network's daily interactive programs, featuring newsmaker and
celebrity interviews. Before joining CNNI in May 1993, he was a
presenter and reporter with the BBC, anchoring World Service
Newscasts since October 1991. |
Will host an interactive call-in show from
Washington. |
|
Nigel Parsons |
Formerly with CNN and the BBC. |
will be the managing director, |
|
Steve Clark |
Hails from England's Sky News. |
Will be director of news, |
|
David Foster |
Another Sky alumnus |
will serve as the main presenter, or anchor,
from Doha. |
|
Shireen El Feki |
Dr Shereen El Feki has joined the channel. Based
in London, Shereen comes from Canada, where she was raised by
Egyptian-Welsh parents. "Although I grew up in the west, I like
to think of myself as a ‘born-again’ Arab’" she says. Shereen
speaks fluent English and French and is working on her Arabic.
She joins Al Jazeera International from The Economist.
|
Shereen will host the channel’s business and
politics strand. |
|
Paul Gibbs |
Director of Programming Paul Gibbs. |
"In addition to looking at shifting balances of
power, People & Power will have a strong investigative strand,
uncovering the use and abuse of power in business and politics.
We will approach business from a fresh perspective – making the
world of business and politics accessible to viewers around the
globe." |
|
Josh Rushing |
A 14-year veteran of the United States Marine
Corps who held the ranks private through to captain, Josh gained
prominence as a central figure in the major motion picture
documentary "Control Room", which chronicles his struggles as
the United States military's lead spokesperson to the Arab world
during the invasion of Iraq. |
Position not yet determined. |
|
Cyrus Nhara |
Zimbabe-born reporter who has worked for Reuters
TV and as a cameraman/producer in several African countries for
ITN, Channel 4, CBS nd the BBC |
|
|
Farai Sevenzo |
Correspondent for Zimbabwe. Has contributed to
UK’s Channel 4 News and to the same channel’s Unreported World
Program |
|
|
Table Sources (Al-Jazeera International
announces, 2006; Rushing, 2005).
CNN Anchors
http://www.saja.org/CNNRiz%20Khan.htm
Al Jazeera International announces setting up of
Harare bureau
AMEInfo, August 17 – 2006
http://www.ameinfo.com/93996.html
|
Nigel Parsons, Managing
Director of Al-Jazeera International said that AI-Jazeera had
hand-picked its bureau chiefs, and strategically placed its news
broadcast centres across the globe, to ensure that their reporting
"will bring together a complete picture of world news and address
the many perspectives of complex current affairs." The station
promised to introduce inclusive reporting, and wants to
revolutionize viewer choice by offering an alternative to
traditional Western news media by providing different perspectives
(Al-Jazeera International, 2006). The new staffers say that the
station will be different because locals will be covering news
events so that news is not presented through a foreign viewpoint
(Al-Jazeera International to go on Air, 2005). In other words, no
more Michael Jackson and Terry Schiavo for the Middle East and Latin
America, or even Asia, and more detailed coverage of Kuwaiti and
Latin American and Indian elections. Al-Jazeera also announced a new
service in Urdu (the National language of Pakistan and one of the
official languages of India), in advance of plans to offer similar
services in French, Spanish and Turkish. The agreement the station
signed with the biggest cable company in Asia will offer a 24-hour
new service meant to attract about 150 million viewers, most of them
in Asia, according to Hamad al-Nuaimi, marketing manager (AlJazeera
English on air by spring, 2006; and Urdustan.net, 2006).
Josh Rushing, who was
hired by Al-Jazeera says that he was excited to be working for a
global organization "when American media has become so nationalised."
Rushing added that he "witnessed during the war how the U.S. media
was co-opted by the U.S. government's messaging. I am proud to be
part of a news network that believes in the power of the un-spun
truth" (Josh Rushing, 2005). Director of News, Steve Clark, notes
that the station’s news reporting will uphold the strictest guiding
principles of accuracy, impartiality and objectivity, whilst being
fearless in its reporting to earn viewer trust (Al-Jazeera
International, 2006).
Al-Jazeera has also sought
to include Africa in its news bureaus. Tumi Makgetla started his
article on the Al-Jazeera-Africa connection by noting that, " If
wars and genocides were Africa’s only news, African newspapers and
international news networks like CNN would run the same stories. But
Al-Jazeera International (AJI) aims to be different." Claude Colart,
the senior producer at AJI’s Johannesburg bureau, promises to bring
"fresh 360 degree [change] to news coverage." By fresh, he meant
that, finally, African news will be run as part of the normal news
cycle -- not just when violence occurs (Makgetla, 2005). Al-Jazeera
has established an office in Zimbabwe and is one of the few stations
to do so. This comes at a time when many international media
organizations, including the BBC, have had their correspondents
expelled from Zimbabwe (BBC, January, 2006). Says Pepe Escobar:
The writing on the (global) wall is now
inevitable: region-to-region economic deals, more exports, and
increased distancing from the weak dollar. In this renewed
South-South cooperation, trade and commerce prevail over
invasion and regime change; respect to UN resolutions regarding
military occupations prevail over alienated terrorism rhetoric.
There's an alternative global agenda in town (Escobar, 2005).
As Bourdieu notes,
cultural capital encompasses such things as educational credentials
and technical expertise (Bourdieu, 2005, p. 55). It used to be that
Western nations were the ones who had the technical expertise in
television, and many directors and technicians from Africa and Asia
went to the BBC for training. The BBC is no longer the only place
for training, and Al-Jazeera has a training center that caters to
Arabs and others and conducts the training in English. Al-Jazeera
hires trainers and has become the center for ambitious people who
want to train (Robinson 2005).
Reaction to the Development of the New Stations
Field theory suggests that
journalism has its own "nomos," and that its members seek to
maximize their cultural resources. The type of news Al-Jazeera
broadcast, such as interviews with Osama Bin Laden, were obtained in
the spirit of the scoop and to fulfill its mandate to cover both
sides of the story as its logo suggests ("The Opinion and the other
opinion"), according to the station. Field theory also suggests that
even though international broadcasters come from different regions,
they all aspire to compete in providing the best news possible, or
the best intellectual capital.
The BBC, who up to the
1980s was the most respected of news sources, has lost its place to
regional networks, especially to Al-Jazeera. The BBC has regretted
getting out of the Arabic news when it closed BBC Arabic it ran with
Saudi Arabia (17 of whose staff joined Al-Jazeera). The BBC plans to
launch BBC Arabic Television in 2007. The venture, which will cost
$32.9 million a year to run, will offer the only tri-media -
television, radio and online - service in the region. The BBC is
hiring staff it had lost in the past to Al-Jazeera Arabic. The news
editor for the BBC World Service's new Arabic-language television
station will be a former employee of its main competitor, Al-Jazeera,
Salah Negm. Ironically, when Al-Arabiyya was founded in 2003, it
hired away several Al-Jazeera staffers, including Negm, a former BBC
program editor who said, "I don't underestimate the challenge - or
the competition in a crowded media marketplace" (BBC Arabic
Television, 2006).
The
reaction of the United States government to the new forms of media
ranged from an initial boycott, to allowing high-level employees to
engage with it, to the establishment of Al-Hurra (The free one) TV,
and the funding of a number of stations in Iraq (Sharp, 2003). The
U.S. government is also aggressively spreading its message through
its Public Diplomacy staff at the State Department (Karen Hughes,
2005). The U.S. is targeting Syria and Iran with its specially
prepared broadcasts and planning to start targeting Arabs in Europe
(Survey finds Alhurra, 2006; US to expand Persian-Language, 2006; US
to start Arabic Language Broadcasts to Europe, 2005). The main
problem with this formulae is that those American efforts are
government-driven, and so, viewed as illegitimate because they fall
in the political, rather than in the journalistic field. On the
other hand, those American and British and other journalists who
care about in-depth international news are joining Al-Jazeera
English.
African and Latin American
officials are promising not to interfere in the content of Al-Jazeera
International or in TeleSur precisely because they know that being
perceived as part of the political field will delegitimize the
journalistic field enterprise. Cultural capital has to come from
independent sources, even if funded by the government. Al Jazeera
staffers insist that they are not competing with Middle Eastern
satellite station, "Our real competition is the global
broadcasters," says one staffer (Sheikh, 2004, p. 3).
The French are also in the
race. TV channel France 24, launched in December 2006 in English and
French, added Arabic in April 2007. The station is counting on
viewers who have become increasingly "skeptical of the world vision
offered by the Anglo-Saxons like BBC World and CNN International,"
and "are looking for contradictory opinions — which is what France
24 is proposing by relying on French values." Although the project
was the brainchild of French President Chirac in 2002, it was pushed
forward because he was
angered by the way CNN and the BBC presented France's opposition to
the Iraq war. "Station executives say the
aim is to offer anTop of Form alternative voice in a world
television news market dominated by the "Anglo-Saxon" giants as well
as the Qatar-based Al-Jazeera, which last month opened a service in
English." The station will be broadcasting to a potential Arab
audience of 20 million. Interestingly, the web site of the station
notes that it has a staff in which 28 nationalities are represented.
It adds that "employees have come from more than 24 different
televisions including CNN, BBC, [and] Al Jazeera" (France 24, 2007;
AFP, October 31, 2006; AFP April 2, 2007).
Conclusion
The visibility and reach
of TV makes it central to all political action. Patrick Champaign
suggests that "the functional weight of the audiovisual sector in
the total process of news production tends to be greater and
greater" or is at least shared with newspapers" (2005, p. 60). In
the journalistic field, there is competition for legitimate
appropriation of what is at stake in the struggle in the field (Bourdieu,
2005, p. 44). The media are important because they have the "power
of consecration- the power to say who and what is important, and
what we should think about important things and people" (Champaign
2005, p. 58). A Bin Laden that no one interviews is relegated to
oblivion; thus the U.S. government’s anger at Al-Jazeera to the
point of joking that it wants to bomb the station, and as some,
including Al-Jazeera claim, has already bombed it twice in
Afghanistan and Iraq. The United States government denies those
charges, but does not view the Bin Laden tape in journalistic terms
as the scoop Al-Jazeera thinks it is.
Al-Jazeera and TeleSUR
have constructed their identity globally as champions of Arabism and
the Latin American masses. They have constructed their global
journalistic identity relationally as one that does not share the
values of infotainment that are gaining ground in the U.S.A.
The power of journalists
is not individual, but collective; power they have collectively
accumulated in the course of history (Champaign, 2005, p. 58). Thus,
there is a limit to what the United States can do to stop Al-Jazeera
from broadcasting different Arab viewpoints as it sees fit. As Al-Jazeera
moves into the Indian, Pakistani and Chinese markets, its power will
be felt everywhere. But as the BBC and French TV operate in Arabic,
the competition for defining Middle East and world events will be
fierce. AND IT’S ALL GOOD. The days of one-way global communication;
free flow to the East, but no flow to the West, are also SO OVER.
There is a great deal of
ferment in the global field with different countries and governments
entering the news business. This analysis illustrated how the
positions of different journalistic fields, old and new media, have
changed. Stations that used to enjoy world dominance are now in a
crowded field. Changes in news coverage of any issue are the result
of internal transformations of the journalistic field and
transformations external to that field (Marchetti, 2005). In the
internal transformations within journalism, the world no longer
depends solely on AFP, AP, UPI, TASS and Reuters. News may often
travel from West to East or from North to South, but not without
being challenged by news sent from South to South and from East to
East. There was a time when everyone trained at the BBC.
Today, the BBC and Al-Jazeera and French TV poach each other’s
producers and anchors. It is interesting, then, that those who now
seek to "impose the legitimate vision of the social world" are in a
class of their own and are almost interchangeable. The external
changes in the field involve the demise of the British Empire, and
with it, the ability to determine what is news. The failure of the
neo-cons to remake the Middle East in their own image in six days
and to rest on the seventh day, put strains on the credibility of
the United States government as a credible communicator. Those
external factors opened the door to Al-Jazeera English and to
TeleSUR.
This study has also
commented on the newly acquired clout of Al-Jazeera in the global
system, and on the ambitions of TeleSUR to do for Latin integration
what Al-Jazeera has done for Arab Nationalism. The study has
assessed the cultural capital both stations have amassed through
their reach and their hiring practices. Al-Jazeera’s professional
approach to hiring and the diversity of the voices it allows to be
heard add to its credibility, If not with the Untied States
government. Al-Jazeera is literally the station that flew over the
cuckoo’s nest. The station has already had a great impact
regionally, and has spawned a number of imitators. Whether or not
Al-Jazeera will make it into the American market will not make too
much of a difference because its global reach will be tremendous
even without the American audience. As for TeleSur, it is too early
to assess where it is going because it started only in 2005, but the
ideas that animate it promise to hasten the integration of Latin
America.
Endnotes
[2]
Researchers now recognize that many of the official accusations
leveled against the station are untrue. The latest such article in
Foreign Policy asserts that the station has never supported
violence against the United States, nor has it ever shown photos of
beheadings, as has been wrongly claimed. As for the claim that its
reporter Taysir Alouni, who was imprisoned in Spain as a supporter
of al-Qaeda because he had interviewed Usama Ben Laden, Hugh Miles
writes, “conclusive evidence has yet to be presented to the public.
And there is nothing to suggest that the network’s funding is
illegitimate” (Miles, 2006, p. 1).
[3]
The group includes Nobel Peace Prize winner Adolpho Perez Esquival,
poet Ernesto Cardenal, writers
Eduardo Galeano,
Tariq Ali and
Saul Landau,
editor-in-chief of
Le Monde diplomatique and
historian
Ignacio Ramonet,
free software pioneer
Richard Stallman, and
actor
Danny Glover.
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About the Author
Orayb Aref
Najjar is associate professor in the Department of Communication at
Northern Illinois University, where she teaches
international communication, digital photography, and graphics. She
is the author of book chapters and journal articles on media
law in the Middle East and North Africa, censorship, and freedom of
the press. Her work includes , "New Palestinian Media and
Democratization from Below," in New Media and the New Middle East,
edited by Philip Seib, Palgrave Macmillan Series in
International Political Communication, August 2007.
""The Middle East and North Africa," in
Global Journalism (4th ed.) (Pearson, Allyn and
Bacon, 2004).
"Falastin editorial writers, the
Allies, World War II, and the Palestinian question in the 21st
century."
Simile, Vol. 3, Issue 4, (November 2003) University of Toronto
Press.
http://www.utpjournals.com/simile/issue12/Najjarfulltext.html
AUTHOR CONTACT INFORMATION
Orayb Aref Najjar
Department of Communication
Northern
Illinois University
DeKalb, Illinois 60115
Voice: 815-753-7017
E-mail:
onajjar@niu.edu
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