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Ethical
Response to Marginalization in Globalization: ~ The Case
of Sub-Sahara-Africa~
Yohannes G.
Fre
Loyola
University, Chicago, USA
By all accounts Sub-Sahara-Africa is a forgotten region
in the age of globalization. In order to illuminate the
root causes of the current crises in Sub-Saharan-Africa
this essay will examine exogenous and endogenous factors
contributing to the marginalization of the region and
offers an ethical critique of the present paradigm of
globalization. Drawing upon the rich resources of
Christian ethics this essay advocates a different kind
of globalization, one which not only promotes economic
growth but also affirms the values of human dignity,
participatory justice, solidarity, and subsidiarity.
This essay is written by an African whose theological
perspective has been shaped and informed significantly
by his own personal experiences , both the painful
experience of feeling marginalized in our global village
and the hope-filled experience of feeling spiritually
empowered to help forge a new age of globalization that
is more responsive to the needs of the poor and
powerless.
Today, Sub-Sahara-Africa is in a sad state of affairs.
The region has become a by-word for distress. News on
Sub-Sahara-Africa is too often dominated by reports
about warlords, massacres, refugees, drought, and
famine. In a globalized world, Sub-Sahara-Africa goes
more and more marginalized. The region is increasingly
perceived as an entity that does not seriously matter as
an actor in international affairs. Colonialism,
Neocolonialism, the support of Western nations for
repressive regimes in the Cold War, the creation of the
debt trap, and the massive failure of the Structural
Adjustment Program (SAP) imposed by the IMF
(International Monetary Fund) and World Bank have widely
contributed to these crises.
For
decades economic and development policies toward
Sub-Saharan-Africa have not been carefully prepared, nor
have they been fair. The outcomes of militant insistence
upon free market ideology, rapid implementation of
liberalization and privatization, and Structural adjustment
programs (SAP) have been increased destitution and social
conflict in many Sub-Sahara-African countries.
In his book Globalization and Its Discontents, Joseph
Stiglitz argues that globalization has the potential to make
poor nations better off, but only if proper policies are
used and if each country’s history, culture and economy are
taken into account. Poorly designed, one–size-fits-all,
policies that do not involve the local population will lead
to sociopolitical instability, reduce economic growth, and
increase poverty. [1]
Many African writers belong to the
pessimistic camp that
condemns the process of globalization as a force of
destruction. In their eyes,
globalization like slavery and
colonialism is an oppressive system that denies the African
people their right of economic and social independence,
indeed, their right to life. While I understand their point
of view, I recognize globalization’s potential for good and
hope to shed light on ways in which its potential can be
actualized.
The legacy of colonialism
and Neo-colonialism
Today’s intrastate and interstate wars, ethnic conflicts and
economic underdevelopment have their roots in the era of
colonialism. At the Berlin Conference of 1884-1885, European
colonial powers divided Africa according to their national
interests. The artificial boundaries laid the foundations
for conflict in Sub-Sahara-Africa. Colonial powers forced
different, often rival, ethnic groups, within nations
incapable of accommodating such cultural and ethnic
diversity. When colonial powers left Sub-Sahara-Africa the
countries did not have governmental structures capable of
effectively sharing power to Africans. The power vacuum in
these fragile, newly independent countries was then filled
by self-serving dictators and warlords.
According to Albert Adu Boahen, colonial masters exploited
the region according to their needs. Instead of developing
local industries, people in Sub-Sahara-Africa “were made to
concentrate on single cash crop or two in each colony...
Since so much attention was focused on the production of
cash crops, that of foodstuffs was neglected, and food
therefore had to be imported”. [2]
Boahen continues by saying that “the political economy of
colonialism was characterized by the virtually total neglect
of industrialization and manufacturing and the refusal to
process locally produced raw materials”.[3]
What we can observe from the whole history of colonialism in
Sub-Sahara-Africa is that “in innumerable ways, colonial
subjugation in Africa brought not only political oppression
and economic exploitation but also profound psychological
humiliation”. [4]
Many average Africans and African intellectuals argue that
this psychological humiliation continues to exercise
tremendous influence, in spite of the formal recognition of
political independence in Sub-Sahara-African countries.
Although indirect, and more subtle in form, this influence
is an important dimension of Neo-colonialism.
The impact of
Globalization on Sub-Sahara-Africa
Most countries in Sub-Sahara-Africa belong to the so called
LLDC’s (Least developed countries). As such, they are not
proportionally integrated in the globalized economic
network, capital market, world trade, information
technology, or financial investments. Because of this,
Sub-Sahara-African-countries have asymmetrical influence on
global economic and political decisions; indeed, the region
is neglected, marginalized and has literally no meaning to
the industrialized world. [5]
As a result, the region has not been able to successfully
and effectively articulate its interests and push for reform
in the global economic order.
The deterioration of the social and economic situation in
Sub-Sahara-Africa inclines the average African to perceive
globalization not as a chance for social progress and
development but as a systematic threat. It is viewed as the
expansive conquest of the Western economic system, or a
neocolonial form of economic slavery. [6]
Furthermore, the growing gap between rich and poor in the
age of globalization is one of the reasons that many poor
people in Sub-Sahara-Africa feel left out of the global
economic system. And as long as the poor do not profit from
globalization, it remains paradoxically a system that
perpetuates exclusion. The ultimate result of economic and
technological inequality between rich and poor countries is
that the inequitable relationship between these two poles
will continue. In other words, rich countries will further
continue to influence global market and politics to their
own advantages.
Marginalization: What it
means in the case of Sub-Sahara-Africa
According to Adebayo Adedeji, former director of African
Center for Development and Strategic Studies, the word ‘marginality’
is a synonym for “the relative or absolute lack of power to
influence a defined social entity while being a recipient of
the exercise of power by other parts of that entity”. [7]
Marginalization of Sub-Sahara-Africa is clearly manifested
by the region’s absolute lack of power to influence its own
destiny. Economically, even though many Western companies
are involved in mineral exploitation in Sub-Sahara-Africa,
the region is widely considered unimportant to the major
actors in the world economy, i.e. multinational
corporations, international banks, and the economies of the
major Western countries.
Politically, Sub-Sahara-Africa’s marginalization was made
especially obvious with the end of the cold war. Countries,
like Ethiopia and Somalia presently have little political
and strategic importance for the major world powers.
Endogenous factors
hampering development in Sub-Sahara-Africa
The main internal causes that are hindering successful
integration of Sub-Sahara-Africa into the global economy are
wars, ethnic violence, and regional political instability.
The effect of these problems on Sub-Sahara-Africa’s social
and economic development is costly in the following ways:
Human costs: instead of Instead of learning
technological innovations and building the economy of the
country, young people are taken to fight in wars which many
women and children are victimized.
Social Costs: Traumatic experiences such as rape,
looting, destruction of villages, rise of refugees, hunger
and sickness (Epidemics) inflict psychological damage
individually and collectively.
Economic costs: When weapons are imported instead of
machinery for economic production, the millions of dollars
taken as a loan from the World Bank and other financial
institutions to finance these purchase cause an immense
debt. In the recent war of 1998-2000 between my homeland
Eritrea and Ethiopia (countries in the Horn of Africa) both
countries wasted millions of dollars. This shows that
African politicians seem to believe that the more weapons
they buy, the more secure they will be. But the opposite is
true, more weapons means less security in the society.
Environmental costs: The short and long term damage
on the environmental and human habitat caused by wars
includes deforestation, erosion, and minefields. Because of
mines, agricultural areas remain unproductive. With
no food production, countries are automatically programmed
to depend on food from outside.
Poverty and the impact of
the burden of debt on social development
It is a great paradox that a region blessed with such
abundance and potential finds itself immersed in misery,
deprivation, and chaos. [8]
Contrary to what most western media sources try to convey,
Sub-Sahara-Africa is not a poor region in terms of
resources. Poverty in Sub-Sahara-Africa is due to
combinations of external exploitation of resources and
internal mismanagement. The region has the bulk of the
world’s diamonds and chromium and possesses tremendous
potential as a supplier of hydro-electric power. Given its
unrivaled wildlife and scenic grandeur, Sub-Sahara-Africa’s
tourism potential is enormous; the region is basically
blessed with such abundance.
Another factor that is contributing to the perpetuation of
poverty in Sub-Saharan Africa is the immense burden of debt.
To solve the problem of debt, trade and economic
arrangements are often made between Sub-Sahara-African
leaders and IMF/World Bank officers who have little or no
firsthand knowledge of the region. So far, all these
arrangements do little to benefit the African people. In the
name of the Structural Adjustment Program (SAP), the IMF/World
Bank have been forcing Sub-Sahara-African nations to open up
to the world market.
The effect of this Structural Adjustment Program (SAP) is
disastrous. Ignoring the basic necessities, the Structural
Adjustment Program (SAP) requires cutting back on health
while the epidemic of AIDS is a huge problem, and cutting
back on education and public services. [9]
People who cannot even afford one meal a day and are totally
dependent on international aid and donations are made to
grow cash crops and extract minerals primarily for export.
Affected by this Structural Adjustment Program (SAP) are the
poorest and most vulnerable people; consequently, they will
not be able to visit a hospital and attend schools.[10]
All this causes political unrest and violence. Again, this
shows that poverty and political instability are in a
dynamic and mutually reinforcing relationship.
The impact of high illiteracy and
the lack of sufficient health care system on social
development
Many young people in the remote village areas of
Sub-Sahara-Africa have no chance to attend schools. Schools
are mostly concentrated in the urban areas as they were in
the colonial era. Lack of education means less knowledge of
how to control epidemic diseases, engage in family planning,
improve agricultural production, and participate in
political and social change. Because of all these factors,
Sub-Sahara-Africa remains exempt from the global
technological innovation. There is a mutual relationship
between illiteracy and poor health and poor economic
performance. For example, lack of female literacy [11]
is closely associated with increased infant and child
mortality and illness in Sub-Sahara-Africa. Poor health
undermines people’s ability to be a fully productive
participant in developmental activities. The AIDS pandemic
that is sweeping the region is cutting life expectancy of
young people, who are supposed to be productive work force.
The problem of
undemocratic and unaccountable political structures
We have previously seen how colonialism negatively affected
Sub-Sahara-Africa and how the region is marginalized in the
globalization process. Many African leaders have been
hiding themselves behind these excuses. Until recent times
the idea that the postcolonial economic and political crises
are due to internal problems in the region itself was
unacceptable in African standards. Nowadays, despite the
lack of freedom of speech, it is widely believed by
Africans and foreign experts that “Sub-Saharan Africa's
endemic poverty should not be blamed entirely on
colonialism or imperialism, as was often suggested in the
past, but also on corrupt government officials, political
instability, and a lack of basic technologies and
infrastructure”. [12]
There can be no economic and political progress when
governments are dominated and run by unscrupulous predatory
elites in most countries in Sub-Sahara- Africa. Getting into
government jobs seems to be the best way to get to money
sources.
In many ways Sub-Sahara-African heads of state run their
respective countries as though they were their own little
kitchen. Decades after independence, most Sub-Sahara-African
countries have failed to produce political and economic
systems in which development can flourish. Many of Africa’s
leaders have been more concerned about retaining power than
about long -term development interests for their people. [13]
The undemocratic and unaccountable political structures in
Sub-Sahara-Africa are manifested in a way that politicians
exercise the politics of exclusion. In fact, George Ayittey
argues that “the politics of exclusion has been the source
of Africa’s chronic political instability, civil strife,
wars and chaos”.[14]
Christian Ethics as
humanizing voice in the age of Globalization
From the perspective of creation theology every thing that
God created is good (Gn 1:31). Poverty and marginalization
are, therefore, not part of God’s plan for humanity but are
caused by human behavior of selfishness and wrong
understanding of ownership. Poverty and marginalization
disregard the basic value of human dignity; a dignity that
is rooted in the imago dei (Gn1:26-27).
Poverty and marginalization disregard the basic human rights
that are rooted not only in the Holy Scripture but also
encoded in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of
1948. Given the current economic situation, the poor in
Sub-Sahara-Africa can only dream of the rights to life,
liberty, and security. [15]
In fact, researches show that conditions of living in
sub-Sahara-Africa have become worse for many more people in
the process of globalization. Millions lives on less than $1
per day and suffer from hunger and malnutrition.[16]
They are, in the words of John A. Coleman S.J., “losers in
[the] global gamble” and they “undergo identity dislocation,
suffer humiliation and loss of dignity…”[17]
The great irony here is that human rights and democracy are
preached in a world marred by marginality and inequality.
The prevailing global world order (globalization) is by and
large “insensitive to human suffering”[18]
and we are virtually living in a “globalized apartheid”.[19]
The goods of the earth are meant to serve the whole human
community. In his article,
Christian Social Ethics in a Global Era, Max L.
Stackhouse provides important ethical-biblical
principles that can help humanize the current global order.
He says: “Central to the Christian ethic is
sharing, compassion, and scarifies for others”. [20]
This basic principle is now endangered by the ethic of
“I-centeredness” that is widely spreading in the age of
globalization. Christian ethics portrays ideas of
brotherhood, common good, and stewardship. In Biblical
sense, the human person is created to be not passive but
active participant in God’s creation. Consequently, the idea
of “participation” is at the core of biblical
tradition. The human person is co-creator and is endowed
with responsibility to care for the world. And this very
fact is contradicted by the reality of extreme poverty and
marginalization of billions of the world population most of
them to be found in Sub-Sahara-Africa. This poverty and
marginalization is not “the inevitable result of the march
of history or the intrinsic nature of particular cultures,
but of human decisions and human institutions”.[21]
Global financial institutions press for excessive private
property policies. Privatization is one of the main
pillars of neo-liberal economy. What is forgotten here is
that “property rights ultimately are subordinate to human
needs and human dignity”. [22]
Poverty and marginalization around the glob will not be
solved until humanity is ready to reexamine the current
understanding of privatizing earthly resources. It is hard
to think of a principle of fairness that would allow some
nations to continue to blindly plunder the resources of the
world while others live in marginalization and destitution.
Poverty and marginalization are happening partly due to the
attitudes of global financial institutions that put too much
emphasis on economic growth. Their economic decisions seem
to concentrate solely on profit maximization even when huge
number of the world population is not catching any drops
from the profits. [23]
U.S catholic Bishops in their pastoral letter Economic
Justice for all criticized an economic system that is
not participative. Their criticism can be applied to the
current profit-only (the winner-takes-all) mentality of the
current world economic system. The pastoral letter
underlines an important ethical principle that should guide
a fair and participative economic system. According to the
pastoral letter “every economic decision and institution
must be judged in the light of whether it protects or
undermines the dignity of the human person… We judge any
economic system by what it does for and to
people and by how it permits all to participate in it. The
economy should serve people, not the other way round.”[24]
Christian ethics demands basic justice to strengthen the
moral bonds among all people in an interdependent world and
to break the vicious cycle of poverty and marginalization.
“Basic justice implies that all people are entitled to
participate in the increasingly interdependent global
economy in a way that ensures their freedom and human
dignity. When whole communities are effectively left out or
excluded from equitable participation in the international
order, basic justice is violated.” [25]
James E. Hug S. J. in his article Economic Justice and
Globalization highlights the meaning of economic justice
form the Christian biblical and social traditions. According
to him economic justice “requires that each person also have
adequate resources, insofar as they are available in the
community, to survive, to develop and thrive, and to give
back in service to community. This Christian understanding
of economic justice looks for fairness and adequacy in the
outcomes of economic activity as well as in its competitive
process. It defines a minimum acceptable quality of life for
each person”.[26]
Overcoming
marginalization through Participatory justice
The concept of participatory justice has been a key category
in the economic reflections of Christian ethics. There is a
foundation for this participatory justice in philosophical,
anthropological and creation theology, namely in that man
as Zoon politikon [27]
– as a social and communal creature – is also capable of
forming communities that function on the basis of
cooperation and solidarity. Natural and humanistic sciences
in our modern era confirm this conception. It is only thanks
to cooperation and solidarity that man has a chance of
survival – a view that is also recognizable in creation
theology (Gn 2:20-23). Man is dependent on support from his
fellow man (the principle of reciprocity) and remains truly
human only if open to a communal society and contributing to
the society’s survival.[28]
The Biblical view of justice shows us the human person as a
social being who has an obligation to fellow human beings,
and especially to the socially disadvantaged: orphans,
widows, and the alien (Deut
10:18;
24:17).
Jesus singles out the weak and the disadvantaged (Mt
25:35-36) in commanding his followers to love others, even
clearly making salvation for every person dependent on how
that individual treats the disadvantaged. When He emphasizes
that the way they treat those persons equates with their
treatment of Himself, the Son of God and Judge of the World,
the radical significance of this social aspect for man
becomes obvious. [29]
The statement by the legal scholar Ulpian and the later
definition of justice accepted by Aristotle and Thomas
Aquinas proceeds from the firm and constant will to give
each person his due. Starting with the view of man (from the
viewpoint of creation theology) this presumes the conviction
that “...people are in principle and in spite of all other
differences to be recognized as equals and as such, in spite
of all the possible inequalities, should at least have the
same opportunities for self development.” [30]
In other words, the rationale for the church’s demand for
participatory justice is based on the viewpoint that all of
mankind are created equal, and on the dignity of all men
that is the will of the Creator God. This demand is part of
the message of salvation and thus the mission of the church
that proclaims the message of salvation to men and thus has
“…the right, indeed the duty, to
proclaim justice on the social, national and international
level, and to denounce instances of injustice, when the
fundamental rights of people and their very salvation demand
it.”[31]
The demand for participatory justice as seen in the social
encyclicals and the various pastoral letters considers the
economic and social inequality and the increasing cleft
between rich and poor that is further aggravated in the age
of globalization. Paul VI demands that Christians and all
men of good will should not be indifferent to a cleft that
divides the poor and disadvantaged from the wealthy. He sees
that grave social and economic differences on the national
and international levels are harmful to both rich and poor.
The ideas of Paul VI are expressed in the pastoral
constitution of the second Vatican Council (Gaudium et
spes): “The joy and hope, grief and fear of people
today, especially the poor and those suffering distress of
all kinds, are also the joy and hope, grief and fear of
Christ’s apostles.” [32]
John XXIII also makes clear that the church cares for human
welfare and well-being in all the many different cultural
areas extant in different historical periods.[33]
Gaudium et spes likewise demands an economic order
that can only be called just when it also helps the poor.[34]
In its demands for participatory justice (economic
justice) Christian ethics presumes that the economy is not a
machine that functions according to its own inexorable laws
and that men are not only objects that are tugged back and
forth by economic constraints. Even the misery and plight of
millions of people in the developing countries is not the
unavoidable result of historical development or cultural
cycles, but the product of human decisions and human
institutions. [35]
The framework of this demand for participatory justice also
covers the socio-ethical rationale of the economy. The
actual meaning of the economy for Christian ethics – which
can also be used as a measure and criterion for economic
justice – is not found in “mere increase of products nor
profit or control but rather the service of man, and indeed
of the whole man with regard for the full range of his
material needs and the demands of his intellectual, moral,
spiritual, and religious life”. [36]
Solidarity as a principle
enabling participation
It seems appropriate here first to look more closely at the
semantics of the solidarity concept. According to Arno
Anzenbacher, the concept of solidarity in general usage
means “the mutual obligation or readiness to stand up for
one another”. [37]
Anzenbacher distinguishes various aspects within the concept
of solidarity – solidarity as a legally binding obligation,
and as free will or charitable readiness to help others. “In
the context of justice, solidarity is strictly a legal
obligation, i.e., a debt to be shouldered where
the principle of solidarity has to do with obligations
toward the members of the legal community and their social
cooperation which derive from the individual’s human rights
status and demands. Thus, it is the duty of legislative
politics not only to affirm the human rights status, but at
the same time to adequately affirm and assert the correlated
obligations of solidarity. A solidarity which lacks the
character of the obligatory and legally binding duty in
association with justice advocates on the completely
different level of unobliged and voluntary charitable and
meritorious aid to the benefit of fellow man.”[38]
The solidarity principle is a necessity, considering the
interconnected economic relationships between industrialized
countries and developing countries in the process of
globalization. In his analysis of the solidarity principle,
von Nell-Breuning brought forth an important aspect of
solidarity in Christian ethics. In his solidarity concept he
stresses human connectiveness and the common fate of all men
and thus the worldwide interdependence, the oneness of the
family of man and the universal dedication of the goods of
this world for the benefit of all persons. Von Nell-Breuning’s
findings seem to be quite useful for establishing global
solidarity. “The popular expression is, ‘We are all sitting
in the same boat.’ This means that the destinies of society
as a whole and its members are closely connected. If the
whole thrives, then all its members must, as well; and if
the members thrive, then the whole must be well. This states
exactly what has already been established under the heading
of individual prosperity and the common good: Individual
prosperity and the common good are mutually dependent; their
destinies are inextricably linked ....” [39]
As we have already established, the basic positive value of
competition has been recognized within the framework of
participatory justice, but at the same time the social
teaching of the church insists that competition alone must
not become the overriding principle. The solidarity
principle (in Quadragesimo anno the solidarity
principle is contained in the concepts of social justice
and love of man) must rank above the competitive
principle: “free competition, while justified and certainly
useful provided it is kept within certain limits, clearly
cannot direct economic life - a truth which the outcome of
the application in practice of the tenets of this evil
individualistic spirit has more than sufficiently
demonstrated. Therefore, it is most necessary that economic
life be again subjected to and governed by a true and
effective directing principle. This function is one that the
economic dictatorship which has recently displaced free
competition can still less perform, since it is a headstrong
power and a violent energy that, to benefit people, needs to
be strongly curbed and wisely ruled. But it cannot curb and
rule itself. Loftier and nobler principles - social justice
and social charity - must, therefore, be sought whereby this
dictatorship may be governed firmly and fully.” [40]
The principle of solidarity in the church's social teaching
is not limited to the range of individual governments. The
church’s social teaching assumes, in view of the global
economy’s increasing international integration,
globalization of markets and the global ecological crises,
that a globalization of solidarity, i.e., an expansion of
the solidarity principle, is the only way to arrive at a
livable future for mankind. [41]
In view of continent-wide and even worldwide economic
integration, the principle of competition must take into
account the solidarity principle in order to implement
appropriate actions on the international level, to orient
the functions of the worldwide market toward the common
good, and to make it capable of allowing for the
participation of all.[42]
Subsidiarity ~Globalization From Below [43]
In today’s globalization major international economic
institutions (such as International Monetary Funds, World
Bank, World Trade organization) have not been
inclusive, participatory, and welfare-enhancing, [44]
to poor countries especially Sub-Sahara-Africa. There
is such a prevailing culture of secrecy in those
institutions; decisions that would affect the lives of
millions of poor people in the developing world are often
held behind closed doors. In many ways these institutions
lack transparency and accountability.[45]
In the eyes of many Africans these international
economic institutions serve the statues quo interests
of wealthy and powerful nations. Given the democratic
deficit[46]
of the current globalization, there is urgent need today to
reform, redesign, and restructure the operative dynamics of
the current economic globalization. If International
economic institutions are going to help the poor in the
developing world they have to be reformed with subsidiarity
in mind. Subsidiarity entails and encourages a
process of localization or “glocolization.” Unlike
the neoliberal free market ideology that attempts to spread
a Western-style global mono-culture[47]across
the world, subsidiarity demands regard for the dignity,
expectations, traditions as well as cultures of indigenous
people and the poor in particular.
The subsidiarity principle is an essential element in
participatory justice. It originates in the conviction that
every social activity is by nature subsidiary. [48]
The objective of the subsidiarity principle is to support
members of the society, especially the poor and
disadvantaged, in their social and economic endeavors. In
Catholic social teaching, the nature of the subsidiarity
principle is most clearly expressed in Quadragesimo anno.
It tells us: “Just as it is gravely wrong to take from
individuals what they can accomplish by their own initiative
and industry and give it to the community, so also it is an
injustice and at the same time a grave evil and disturbance
of right order to assign to a greater and higher association
what lesser and subordinate organizations can do. For every
social activity ought of its very nature to furnish help to
the members of the body social, and never destroy and absorb
them.”[49]
This statement is a clear rejection of a paternalistic state
or an economic order that destroys and takes away individual
initiative. In order for the subsidiarity principle to be
realized, freedom is essential. Wherever freedom is denied,
the subsidiarity principle cannot function. Creative
development of individual talents depends essentially on
freedom.
The social encyclicals Gaudium et spes and Mater
et magistra emphasize the aspect of the subsidiarity
principle and also the limits of state competence in social
and economic matters. According to those writings, the
responsibility of the state is to protect the economic and
social responsibilities and activity of the individual. The
state (public authority) “must intervene more often in
social, economic and cultural matters in order to bring
about favorable conditions which will give more effective
help to citizens and groups in their free pursuit of man's
total well-being.” [50]
Now the question must be asked whether the subsidiarity
principle has a place in the process of globalization. There
do not seem to be any international institutions in the
network of global economic relationships that are able to
coordinate and distribute these tasks. The UN, the World
Bank, the IMF and GATT do not have the necessary authority
to do this. John XXIII refers to these institutional
weaknesses as structural errors in the organization of human
society. It is clear that the structures of world order,
including the economic structures, are inadequate to advance
the common good of all peoples. [51]
Conclusion
It is important to note that Africa is a huge Continent
where very diverse situations are found, and that it is
therefore necessary to avoid generalizations both in
evaluating problems and suggesting solutions. However, there
is, in the terms of the African Synodal Assembly, “One
common situation, without any doubt… that Africa is full of
problems. In almost all our nations, there is abject
poverty, tragic mismanagement of available scarce resources,
political instability and social disorientation. The results
stare us in the face: misery, wars, despair. In a world
controlled by rich and powerful nations, Africa has
practically become an irrelevant appendix, often forgotten
and neglected”. [52]
From ethical perspective successful integration of
Sub-Saharan-Africa into the world economy will depend on two
things; solidarity and subsidiarity. Solidarity not in the
sense of continuous aid that might perpetuate dependency but
in creating fair economic policies and fair terms of trade.
Subsidiarity necessarily implies globalization from below
i.e. empowering and capacity building for and with the poor.
[2] Boahen, Albert Adu, African
perspectives on Colonialism. (Baltimore: Johns
Hopkins Univ. Pr., 1992), 60.
[4] Young, Crawford, “The
Heritage of Colonialism.” Africa in World
Politics. Ed. John W. Harbeson.
(Boulder, Oxford: Oxford: Westview Press, 1991), 31.
[5]Korff, Wilhelm,
“Ethische Probleme einer Weltwirtschaftsordnung.”
Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte. B 50/, 4 December
1992. 8.
[6] Tarimo,
Aquiline, ”Afrika in der Schuldenfalle.” Stimmen der
Zeit 9 Sept. 2002, 602.
[7] Adedeji, Adebayo,
Marginalization and Marginality: Africa within the
World. (London: Zed Books, 1993), 1.
[8] Ayittey, George B.N., Africa
in Chaos. (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1997), 5-6.
[9]Ortmanns,
Bruno, Die Dritte Welt zwischen Theorie und Praxis:
Probleme und Perspektiven. Problems and
Perspectives. (Aachen: Aachen Technical School
press, 1997), 91.
[10]
Hug, James E., “Economic Justice and Globalization”
in Globalization and Catholic Social Thought.
Present Crises, Future Hope. Ed. John A. Colman and
William F. Ryan. (Maryknoll, NY:Orbis books 2005),
57.
[11]
Cf. Sen, Amartya, Development As Freedom. (New York
: Anchor Books, 2000), 119.
[12] Mwakikagile, Godfrey,
“Poverty Is a Problem in Africa.” Africa. Ed. Laura
K. Egendorf, Opposing Viewpoints Series: Greenhaven
Press, 2005.
http://galenet.galegroup.com
[13]
Callaghy, Thomas M, “Africa and the World Economy:
Caught between a Rock and a Hard Place.”
Africa in World Politics. Ed. John W. (Harbeson,
Oxford: Westview Press, 1991), 58.
[16]
Sachs, Jeffrey, The End of Poverty: Economic
Possibilities for Our Time. (East Rutherford, N.J.:
Penguin, 2005), 19-21.
[17]
Coleman, John A., "Making the Connections:
Globalization and Catholic Social Thought," in
Globalization and Catholic Social Thought. Present
Crises, Future Hope. Eds. John A. Colman and William
F. Ryan. (Maryknoll, NY:Orbis books 2005),
10.
[20] Stackhouse, Max, L.,
“Christian Social Ethics in a Global Era: Reforming
Protestant Views.”
Christian Social Ethics in a Global Era.
Ed. Max, L Stackhouse et al.
(Nashville: Abingdon Press studies in
Christian Ethics and
Economic Life, Vol 1, 1995), 11-73.
[21] Economic Justice for All, U.S
Catholic Bishops, 1986. In Catholic social thought:
the documentary heritage / edited by David J.
O'Brien and Thomas A. Shannon. Maryknoll, N.Y.:
Orbis Books, 2005. par. 100.
[22] Kammer S.J., Fred, Doing
faithjustice: an introduction to Catholic social
thought. (New York: Paulist Press, 2004), 22.
[23] Joseph Stiglitz’s critic to
Washington Consensus policies shows exactly the
ideology behind the economic growth policy that
seems to benefit those who are already privileged.
He argues that Washington Consensus policies “paid
little attention to issues of distribution or
‘fairness’”. Stiglitz further argues that the
promoters of the Washington consensus “believe in
trickle-down economics. Eventually, it is
asserted, the benefits of growth trickle down even
to the poor. Trickle-down economics was never much
more than just a belief, an article of faith.”
Stiglitz, Globalization and Its
Discontents, 78.
[24]
Economic Justice for All, par. 13.
[26]
Hug, “Economic Justice and Globalization”,
55.
[27]
Cf. Höffe, Otfried, Grundaussagen über den Menschen
bei Aristoteles, in: Ethik und Politik; (Frankfurt
a. M., 1997), 13.
[28]
Cf. Furger, Franz, Christliche Sozialethik:
Grundlagen und Zielsetzungen; (Stuttgart, Berlin,
Cologne, 1991), 98-99.
See
Heimbach-Steins, Marianne,
Beteiligungsgerechtigkeit, in: Stimmen der Zeit,
217th year (1999), 150
[29]
Furger, Christliche Sozialethik, 100.
[32]
Vatican II, Pastoral Constitution of the Church in
the Modern World (Gaudium et Spes), par. 1.
[35]
Cf. Gegen Unmenschlichkeit in der Wirtschaft, II,
par. 96, p. 63; III. par 254, 126.
[36]
Gaudium et spes, par. 64.
[37]
Anzenbacher,
Arno.
Christliche
Sozialethik: Einführung und Prinzipien.
(Paderborn: Schöningh 1998), 196.
Cf.
Baumgartner, Alois and Korff, Wilhelm,
Sozialprinzipien als ethische Baugesetzlichkeiten
moderner Gesellschaft: Personalität, Solidarität und
Subsidiarität, in: Handbuch der Wirtschaftsethik;
vol. 1, ed. Wilhelm Korff et al., (Gütersloh,
1999), 231.
Cf. Marx,
Reinhard and Wulsdorf, Helge, Christliche
Sozialethik; 174.
[38]
Anzenbacher, Christliche Sozialethik, 197.
[39]
Nell-Breuning, Oswald von, Gerechtigkeit
und Freiheit Grundzüge katholischer Soziallehre. Ed.
Kath. Sozialakademie Österreichs.
(Wien 1980),
54.
[40]
Quadragesimo anno,
par. 88.
http://www.vatican.va/holy_father/pius_xi/encyclicals/documents/hf_p-xi_enc_19310515_quadragesimo-anno_en.html
(accessed Nov 1, 2008).
See Rerum novarum, par. 2,
Mater et magistra,
par.11f, 23,
Populorum progressio,
par. 26, Centesimus annus, pars. 10-15.
[41]
Cf. Vogt, Markus: Das neue Sozialprinzip
“Nachhaltigkeit” als Antwort auf die ökologische
Herausforderung, in: Handbuch der Wirtschaftsethik;
vol. 1, ed.
Wilhelm Korff, (Gütersloh, 1999), 249.
[43] Cf. Falk, Richard, Law in an
emerging global village: a post-Westphalian
perspective. (Ardsley, N.Y.: Transnational
Publishers, 1998), 29-30.
[44]
Cf. Kapstein, Ethan B.,
Economic justice in an unfair world: toward a level
playing field. (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton
University Press, 2006), xii.
[46]
Joseph S. Nye Jr., "Globalization's Democratic
Deficit: How to Make International Institutions More
Accountable," Foreign Affairs 80.4 (2001), 2-6.
[47]
Alternatives to economic globalization: a better
world is possible.
Eds. John Cavanagh and Jerry Mander. 2nd ed., (San
Francisco, CA : Berrett-Koehler, 2004), 38.
[48]
Nell-Breuning, Gerechtigkeit und Freiheit, 55.
[49]
Quadragesimo anno, par. 79.
See
Furger, Christliche Sozialethik, 138. also Gabriel,
Karl, Das Subsidiaritätsprinzip in
Quadragesimo anno. For the politico-ideological
genesis of a basic term of Catholic social teaching,
in: Subsidiarität – Strukturprinzip in Staat und
Gesellschaft; ed. Anton Rauscher, (Cologne, 2000),
13-35.
[51]
Cf. Pacem in terris, par. 134; Cf. also
Furger, Christliche Sozialethik, 158.
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